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Fantasy Hockey
2010.08.12 05:27 Linden94 Fantasy Hockey
A place where all fantasy managers can talk about all things related to fantasy hockey! Join other team managers and league commissioners to talk about league settings, give and receive roster advice, and any hockey news that is fantasy relevant. Please ensure to follow the rules and read the wiki on your way to winning your leagues!
2015.01.29 13:00 Google Sheets
Help and support with your functions, formulas, formatting, and Apps Scripts macros in Google Sheets. Unofficial.
2014.04.09 21:14 A Community for Office Support Staff of All Kinds!
This sub is a place for Office Support Staff (Data Entry, Office Manager, Office Assistant, Receptionist, Administrative Assistant, Administrative Secretary, Help Desk, Personal Assistant, Executive Assistant, etc.) to come together. Share your experiences, answer or pose questions, offer or ask for advice, vent/rant, post memes, pics, and share helpful resources.
2024.06.01 12:04 Long_Alfalfa_720 The March of Dictatorial Ambitions: which nation will follow China's fate and why it concerns You?
 | https://preview.redd.it/8w2yh5syox3d1.jpg?width=1280&format=pjpg&auto=webp&s=d3337c19e7ebea7dcafd0f1b5c5d0f61c9e31831 submitted by Long_Alfalfa_720 to FreeGuestPosting [link] [comments] In the opening article of our series, we unveiled the existence of a global network of anti-cult organizations contributing to the creation of a worldwide digital concentration camp. We demonstrated how these organizations play a crucial role in the process of dehumanization, labeling certain groups, organizations, or nations as a "threat to society." We explained that this happens through the branding of these groups as part of "totalitarian sects" or "destructive cults," leading to widespread intolerance and discrimination fueled and supported by the media. We showed that these actions shape public opinion to see these organizations as harmful, justifying their persecution. We revealed that, in this way, the people involved can be persecuted and punished while the public remains convinced that the authorities are taking necessary measures against the "offenders." As a result, the genocide against those different or inconvenient for the government goes unnoticed. We explored the case of the Chinese Falun Gong movement as an example of how those in power can commit cruel and inhuman actions against ordinary citizens while society stands compliant and passive in the face of these oppressions. You might think that these actions only take place in China, but you are mistaken. Let's see what the situation is like in another country violating human rights and attempting to impose a dictatorship—Russia. Everything began in 2015 with the legal introduction of the "undesirable organization" status. An undesirable organization, according to the official formulation, is a "non-governmental organization that has been recognized as undesirable on the territory of the Russian Federation"—a foreign or international non-governmental organization whose activities may pose a threat to the constitutional order, defense capability, or state security of the Russian Federation, in accordance with Article 3.1 of Federal Law No. 272-FZ of December 28, 2012. Such organizations are banned from operating on the territory of the Russian Federation, with administrative and criminal actions prescribed for violating this ban. This law can lead to various human rights violations. Here are some potential consequences:
Here are just a few examples of numerous actions taken against the undesirable organizations:
To track the methods used to ban organizations in Russia, learn more in our next article. |
2024.06.01 12:02 Normodox A Slush Fund for Radical Protesters?
The profusion of identical green tents at this spring’s anti-Israel protests struck many as odd. “Why is everybody’s tent the same?,” asked New York mayor Eric Adams. Like others, the mayor suspected “a well-concerted organizing effort” driving the protests. More recent reporting shows a concerted push behind the Gaza protest movement. But it is not as simple as a single organization secretly rallying protesters or buying tents. Instead, the movement’s most determined activists represent a network of loosely linked far-left groups. Some are openly affiliated with well-known progressive nonprofits; others work in the shadows.
The movement also draws on diverse but generous sources of financial backing. Those funding streams may soon be augmented by the federal government. As I chronicled last year in a Manhattan Institute report, “The Big Squeeze: How Biden’s Environmental Justice Agenda Hurts the Economy and the Environment,” the administration’s massive program of environmental justice grants seems designed to prioritize the funding of highly ideological local groups. The Inflation Reduction Act, for example, earmarks $3 billion for “environmental and climate justice block grants” intended for local nonprofits. Today, hundreds of far-left political groups include language about environmental issues and “climate justice” in their mission statements. If just a fraction of planned grants flows to such groups, the effect will be a gusher of new funding for radical causes.
As the Gaza protests spread across U.S. college campuses, many observers noted an eerie uniformity among them. From one campus to the next, protesters operated in disciplined cadres, keeping their faces covered and using identical rote phrases as they refused to talk with reporters. The Atlantic noted the strangeness of seeing elite college students “chanting like automatons.” Students held up keffiyeh scarves or umbrellas to block the view of prying cameras and linked arms to halt the movements of outsiders. At Columbia University and elsewhere, protesters formed “liberated zones,” from which “Zionists” were excluded. Around the edges of the encampments, the more militaristic activists donned helmets and goggles and carried crude weapons, apparently eager to mix it up with police or counter-protesters. We’ve seen these tactics before—notably during the “mostly peaceful” Black Lives Matter protests of 2020, when full-time agitators helped ignite riots, set up a police-free (and violence-plagued) zone in Seattle, and laid nightly siege to Portland, Oregon’s federal courthouse.
In a remarkable work of reporting, Park MacDougald recently traced the tangled roots of organizations backing pro-jihad protests, both on and off campuses. These include Antifa and other networks of anonymous anarchists, along with “various communist and Marxist-Leninist groups, including the Maoist Revolutionary Communist Party, the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), and the International ANSWER coalition,” MacDougald writes. Higher up the food chain, we find groups openly supported by America’s growing class of super-rich tech execs or the anti-capitalist heirs of great fortunes. For example, retired tech mogul Neville Roy Singham, who is married to Code Pink founder Jodie Evans, funds The People’s Forum, a lavish Manhattan resource center for far-left groups. As the Columbia protests intensified, the center urged members to head uptown to “support our students.” Following the money trail of other protest groups, MacDougald finds connections to the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Ford Foundation, and—surprising no one—the George Soros-backed Tides Foundation.
Of course, the current wave of anti-Israel protests also involves alliances with pro-Hamas organizations such as Students for Justice in Palestine. Last November, Jonathan Schanzer of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies testified to the House Ways and Means Committee that SJP and similar groups have deep ties to global terrorist organizations, including Hamas.
For many keffiyeh-wearing protestors, however, a recently professed concern for Palestinians is just the latest in a long list of causes they believe justify taking over streets and college quads. In Unherd, Mary Harrington dubs this medley of political beliefs the “omnicause,” writing that “all contemporary radical causes seem somehow to have been absorbed into one.” Today’s leftist activists share an interlocking worldview that sees racism, income inequality, trans intolerance, climate change, alleged police violence, and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts all as products of capitalism and “colonialism.” Therefore, the stated rationale for any individual protest is a stand-in for the real battle: attacking Western society and its institutions.
In the U.S., this type of general-purpose uprising goes back at least to the riots at the 1999 meeting of the World Trade Organization in Seattle. In those protests, mainstream liberal factions—including labor unions and environmentalists—were joined by “black bloc” anarchists and other radicals eager to engage in “direct action” against police. That pattern—relatively moderate demonstrators providing a friendly envelope for hard-core disruptors—formed the template for many later protests: the Occupy Wall Street encampments in 2011, demonstrations following the police shooting of Michael Brown in 2014, 2016’s Standing Rock anti-pipeline movement, and of course, the calamitous summer of 2020.
These uprisings were not entirely spontaneous. In some cases, activists spend months planning mass actions—for example, against economic summits or political conventions—and can recruit street fighters from across the country. In others, an event, such as George Floyd’s death, sparks popular protests involving neophyte demonstrators. Those attract far-left activists, who swoop in to organize and expand the struggle, often tilting it toward more radical action.
That has certainly been the case at the college Gaza-paloozas. At Columbia, the New York Times spotted a woman old enough to be a student’s grandmother in the thick of the action as protesters barricaded that school’s Hamilton Hall. The woman was 63-year-old Lisa Fithian, a lifetime activist, who Portland’s alternative weekly Street Roots approvingly calls “a trainer of mass rebellion.” A counter-protester trying to block the pro-Hamas demonstrators told NBC News, “She was right in the middle of it, instructing them how to better set up the barriers.” Fithian told the Times she’d been invited to train students in protest safety and “general logistics.” She claims to have taken part in almost every major U.S. protest movement going back to the 1999 “Battle in Seattle.”
America’s radical network has plenty of Lisa Fithians, with the time and resources to travel the country educating newcomers about the “logistics” of disruptive protests. And these activists appear to have played key roles in the college occupations. The New York City Police Department says nearly half the demonstrators arrested on the Columbia and City University of New York (CUNY) campuses on April 30 were not affiliated with the schools. One hooded Hamilton Hall occupier—photographed scuffling with a Columbia custodian before getting arrested—turned out to be 40-year-old James Carlson, heir to a large advertising fortune. According to the New York Post, Carlson lives in a $2.3 million Park Slope townhouse and has a long rap sheet. For example, in 2005, he was arrested in San Francisco during the violent “West Coast Anti-Capitalist Mobilization and March Against the G8.” (Those charges were dropped.)
For a quarter-century now, Antifa and other anarchist networks have worked to refine tactics and share lessons following each major action. At Columbia, UCLA, and other schools, authorities found printouts of a “Do-It Yourself Occupation Guide” and similar documents. The young campus radicals are eager to learn from their more experienced elders. And, like the high-achieving students they are, they follow directions carefully. MacDougald asked Kyle Shideler, the director for homeland security and counterterrorism at the Center for Security Policy, about the mystery of the identical tents. There was no need for a central group to distribute hundreds of tents, Shideler said. Instead, “the organizers told [students] to buy a tent, and sent around a Google Doc with a link to that specific tent on Amazon. So they all went out and bought the same tent.”
In other words, America’s radical class has gotten very skilled at recruiting and instructing new activists—even from among the ranks of elite college students with a good deal to lose. How much more could this movement accomplish with hundreds of millions in federal dollars flooding activist groups around the country?
From its first week in office, the Biden administration has trumpeted its goal to funnel more environmental spending toward “disadvantaged communities that have been historically marginalized,” partly by issuing grants to grassroots organizations. Previous environmental justice (EJ) grant programs were small in scope. But, with the passage of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) in August 2022, a huge pool of grant money became available. EPA administrator Michael Regan told reporters, “We’re going from tens of thousands of dollars to developing and designing a program that will distribute billions.”
More than a year and a half later, it remains hard to nail down just where the Biden administration’s billions in EJ grants will wind up. Money is being distributed through a confusing variety of programs, and the process of identifying recipients is ongoing. To help outsource the job of sifting through proposals, the EPA last year designated 11 institutions as “Environmental Justice Thriving Communities Grantmakers.” These groups are empowered to make subgrants directly to community organizations, under streamlined EPA oversight. In all, the Biden administration has entrusted these outfits with distributing a staggering $600 million in funding. The money is expected to start flowing this summer.
The EPA’s grantmakers include a number of educational institutions and left-leaning nonprofits. For example, the EPA chose Fordham University as its lead grantmaker in the New York region. Fordham, in turn, lists as partners two nonprofits that oppose immigration enforcement. (One, the New Jersey Alliance for Immigrant Justice, states on its website: “NJAIJ believes in the human right to migrate, regardless of citizenship or political status.”) Neither group claims expertise in environmental issues. Given that the IRA’s eligibility requirements for EJ grants are extremely vague, however, perhaps that’s not a problem. Almost any activity that could help “spur economic opportunity for disadvantaged communities” (in the words of Biden’s EJ executive order) might qualify.
Perhaps the most prominent—and problematic—EPA grantmaker is the Berkeley, California-based Climate Justice Alliance. The CJA is a consortium of mostly far-left activist groups. It describes its mission as working for “regenerative economic solutions and ecological justice—under a framework that challenges capitalism and both white supremacy and hetero-patriarchy.” The group is a vigorous proponent of the omnicause, embracing almost every left-wing concern as a manifestation of climate change. For example, the CJA website proclaims: “The path to climate justice travels through a free Palestine.” MacDougald notes that the Grassroots Global Justice Alliance, one of CJA’s affiliated groups, “organized an illegal anti-Israel protest in the Capitol Rotunda in December at which more than 50 activists were arrested.”
The CJA website also includes a section dedicated to the cause known as Stop Cop City. It refers to an effort to halt the construction of an 85-acre police and firefighter training center outside Atlanta. Rag-tag activists from around the country have gathered around the facility since 2021. They have repeatedly battled with police—sometimes with fireworks and Molotov cocktails—and used bolt cutters to enter the site and torch construction equipment. (CJA’s Stop Cop City page features a cartoon illustration of three childlike activists; one brandishes bolt cutters.) The group also backs a legal defense fund for activists arrested in attacks on the training center or in other protests. For those looking for more inspiration, CJA links to an interview with former Black Panther and self-described revolutionary Angela Davis.
The Alliance is not an ideological outlier in Biden’s EJ coalition. On the contrary, when the White House assembled its White House Environmental Justice Advisory Council (WHEJAC), a panel of outside experts meant to provide “horizon-expanding EJ advice and recommendations,” it chose CJA co-chair Elizabeth Yeampierre to help lead the committee. Like other members of the panel, she sees environmental issues through an ideological, not a scientific, lens. “Climate change is the result of a legacy of extraction, of colonialism, of slavery,” Yeampierre told Yale Environment 360. As a group, radical EJ activists tend not to focus on pragmatic ways to reduce pollution and carbon emissions; for them, the real goal is overturning what they see as an exploitative economic and political system. Since these are the voices the White House chose to help shape its EJ policies, we can assume this worldview will dominate grantmaking decisions.
In February 2023, House Oversight Committee chairman James Comer, along with fellow committee member Pat Fallon, wrote to EPA administrator Regan asking for more information on the EPA’s grant programs. They noted that the EPA’s own studies of EJ grants issued in previous years showed sloppy supervision. According to an EPA report, an earlier version of the program funded projects that did “not logically lead to the desired environmental and/or public health [result].” Without better oversight and more clearly defined goals, the congressmen wrote, the EPA’s EJ grant machine risks becoming simply a “slush fund for far-left organizations.”
Since then, the administration has done little to reassure skeptics. To the contrary, the EPA has put at least one far-left organization—CJA—in charge of distributing $50 million in grant money. No doubt, many of the EPA grants will go to worthwhile projects. But money is fungible. A group that gets a large grant to, say, clean up dirty parks or teach children about recycling will also be able to hire more staff and divert more resources to political action.
With graduation behind them, most of the anti-Israel college protesters have stowed away their keffiyehs and moved on to summer vacations or internships. But the peripatetic activists who helped guide and intensify those uprisings are doubtless already planning their next actions. After all, two political conventions are looming. This fall, the college protests will likely flare up again, though by then perhaps focused on a different facet of the omnicause. And, with hundreds of millions in fresh funding flowing through the activist ecosystem, the groups that quietly nurture extremists—like those who firebombed “Cop City,” or who chant “Intifada Revolution!,” or who block bridges in the name of “climate”—will be more emboldened than ever.
A Slush Fund for Radical Protesters? City Journal (city-journal.org)
submitted by Normodox to BeneiYisraelNews [link] [comments]
The movement also draws on diverse but generous sources of financial backing. Those funding streams may soon be augmented by the federal government. As I chronicled last year in a Manhattan Institute report, “The Big Squeeze: How Biden’s Environmental Justice Agenda Hurts the Economy and the Environment,” the administration’s massive program of environmental justice grants seems designed to prioritize the funding of highly ideological local groups. The Inflation Reduction Act, for example, earmarks $3 billion for “environmental and climate justice block grants” intended for local nonprofits. Today, hundreds of far-left political groups include language about environmental issues and “climate justice” in their mission statements. If just a fraction of planned grants flows to such groups, the effect will be a gusher of new funding for radical causes.
As the Gaza protests spread across U.S. college campuses, many observers noted an eerie uniformity among them. From one campus to the next, protesters operated in disciplined cadres, keeping their faces covered and using identical rote phrases as they refused to talk with reporters. The Atlantic noted the strangeness of seeing elite college students “chanting like automatons.” Students held up keffiyeh scarves or umbrellas to block the view of prying cameras and linked arms to halt the movements of outsiders. At Columbia University and elsewhere, protesters formed “liberated zones,” from which “Zionists” were excluded. Around the edges of the encampments, the more militaristic activists donned helmets and goggles and carried crude weapons, apparently eager to mix it up with police or counter-protesters. We’ve seen these tactics before—notably during the “mostly peaceful” Black Lives Matter protests of 2020, when full-time agitators helped ignite riots, set up a police-free (and violence-plagued) zone in Seattle, and laid nightly siege to Portland, Oregon’s federal courthouse.
In a remarkable work of reporting, Park MacDougald recently traced the tangled roots of organizations backing pro-jihad protests, both on and off campuses. These include Antifa and other networks of anonymous anarchists, along with “various communist and Marxist-Leninist groups, including the Maoist Revolutionary Communist Party, the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL), and the International ANSWER coalition,” MacDougald writes. Higher up the food chain, we find groups openly supported by America’s growing class of super-rich tech execs or the anti-capitalist heirs of great fortunes. For example, retired tech mogul Neville Roy Singham, who is married to Code Pink founder Jodie Evans, funds The People’s Forum, a lavish Manhattan resource center for far-left groups. As the Columbia protests intensified, the center urged members to head uptown to “support our students.” Following the money trail of other protest groups, MacDougald finds connections to the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Ford Foundation, and—surprising no one—the George Soros-backed Tides Foundation.
Of course, the current wave of anti-Israel protests also involves alliances with pro-Hamas organizations such as Students for Justice in Palestine. Last November, Jonathan Schanzer of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies testified to the House Ways and Means Committee that SJP and similar groups have deep ties to global terrorist organizations, including Hamas.
For many keffiyeh-wearing protestors, however, a recently professed concern for Palestinians is just the latest in a long list of causes they believe justify taking over streets and college quads. In Unherd, Mary Harrington dubs this medley of political beliefs the “omnicause,” writing that “all contemporary radical causes seem somehow to have been absorbed into one.” Today’s leftist activists share an interlocking worldview that sees racism, income inequality, trans intolerance, climate change, alleged police violence, and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts all as products of capitalism and “colonialism.” Therefore, the stated rationale for any individual protest is a stand-in for the real battle: attacking Western society and its institutions.
In the U.S., this type of general-purpose uprising goes back at least to the riots at the 1999 meeting of the World Trade Organization in Seattle. In those protests, mainstream liberal factions—including labor unions and environmentalists—were joined by “black bloc” anarchists and other radicals eager to engage in “direct action” against police. That pattern—relatively moderate demonstrators providing a friendly envelope for hard-core disruptors—formed the template for many later protests: the Occupy Wall Street encampments in 2011, demonstrations following the police shooting of Michael Brown in 2014, 2016’s Standing Rock anti-pipeline movement, and of course, the calamitous summer of 2020.
These uprisings were not entirely spontaneous. In some cases, activists spend months planning mass actions—for example, against economic summits or political conventions—and can recruit street fighters from across the country. In others, an event, such as George Floyd’s death, sparks popular protests involving neophyte demonstrators. Those attract far-left activists, who swoop in to organize and expand the struggle, often tilting it toward more radical action.
That has certainly been the case at the college Gaza-paloozas. At Columbia, the New York Times spotted a woman old enough to be a student’s grandmother in the thick of the action as protesters barricaded that school’s Hamilton Hall. The woman was 63-year-old Lisa Fithian, a lifetime activist, who Portland’s alternative weekly Street Roots approvingly calls “a trainer of mass rebellion.” A counter-protester trying to block the pro-Hamas demonstrators told NBC News, “She was right in the middle of it, instructing them how to better set up the barriers.” Fithian told the Times she’d been invited to train students in protest safety and “general logistics.” She claims to have taken part in almost every major U.S. protest movement going back to the 1999 “Battle in Seattle.”
America’s radical network has plenty of Lisa Fithians, with the time and resources to travel the country educating newcomers about the “logistics” of disruptive protests. And these activists appear to have played key roles in the college occupations. The New York City Police Department says nearly half the demonstrators arrested on the Columbia and City University of New York (CUNY) campuses on April 30 were not affiliated with the schools. One hooded Hamilton Hall occupier—photographed scuffling with a Columbia custodian before getting arrested—turned out to be 40-year-old James Carlson, heir to a large advertising fortune. According to the New York Post, Carlson lives in a $2.3 million Park Slope townhouse and has a long rap sheet. For example, in 2005, he was arrested in San Francisco during the violent “West Coast Anti-Capitalist Mobilization and March Against the G8.” (Those charges were dropped.)
For a quarter-century now, Antifa and other anarchist networks have worked to refine tactics and share lessons following each major action. At Columbia, UCLA, and other schools, authorities found printouts of a “Do-It Yourself Occupation Guide” and similar documents. The young campus radicals are eager to learn from their more experienced elders. And, like the high-achieving students they are, they follow directions carefully. MacDougald asked Kyle Shideler, the director for homeland security and counterterrorism at the Center for Security Policy, about the mystery of the identical tents. There was no need for a central group to distribute hundreds of tents, Shideler said. Instead, “the organizers told [students] to buy a tent, and sent around a Google Doc with a link to that specific tent on Amazon. So they all went out and bought the same tent.”
In other words, America’s radical class has gotten very skilled at recruiting and instructing new activists—even from among the ranks of elite college students with a good deal to lose. How much more could this movement accomplish with hundreds of millions in federal dollars flooding activist groups around the country?
From its first week in office, the Biden administration has trumpeted its goal to funnel more environmental spending toward “disadvantaged communities that have been historically marginalized,” partly by issuing grants to grassroots organizations. Previous environmental justice (EJ) grant programs were small in scope. But, with the passage of the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) in August 2022, a huge pool of grant money became available. EPA administrator Michael Regan told reporters, “We’re going from tens of thousands of dollars to developing and designing a program that will distribute billions.”
More than a year and a half later, it remains hard to nail down just where the Biden administration’s billions in EJ grants will wind up. Money is being distributed through a confusing variety of programs, and the process of identifying recipients is ongoing. To help outsource the job of sifting through proposals, the EPA last year designated 11 institutions as “Environmental Justice Thriving Communities Grantmakers.” These groups are empowered to make subgrants directly to community organizations, under streamlined EPA oversight. In all, the Biden administration has entrusted these outfits with distributing a staggering $600 million in funding. The money is expected to start flowing this summer.
The EPA’s grantmakers include a number of educational institutions and left-leaning nonprofits. For example, the EPA chose Fordham University as its lead grantmaker in the New York region. Fordham, in turn, lists as partners two nonprofits that oppose immigration enforcement. (One, the New Jersey Alliance for Immigrant Justice, states on its website: “NJAIJ believes in the human right to migrate, regardless of citizenship or political status.”) Neither group claims expertise in environmental issues. Given that the IRA’s eligibility requirements for EJ grants are extremely vague, however, perhaps that’s not a problem. Almost any activity that could help “spur economic opportunity for disadvantaged communities” (in the words of Biden’s EJ executive order) might qualify.
Perhaps the most prominent—and problematic—EPA grantmaker is the Berkeley, California-based Climate Justice Alliance. The CJA is a consortium of mostly far-left activist groups. It describes its mission as working for “regenerative economic solutions and ecological justice—under a framework that challenges capitalism and both white supremacy and hetero-patriarchy.” The group is a vigorous proponent of the omnicause, embracing almost every left-wing concern as a manifestation of climate change. For example, the CJA website proclaims: “The path to climate justice travels through a free Palestine.” MacDougald notes that the Grassroots Global Justice Alliance, one of CJA’s affiliated groups, “organized an illegal anti-Israel protest in the Capitol Rotunda in December at which more than 50 activists were arrested.”
The CJA website also includes a section dedicated to the cause known as Stop Cop City. It refers to an effort to halt the construction of an 85-acre police and firefighter training center outside Atlanta. Rag-tag activists from around the country have gathered around the facility since 2021. They have repeatedly battled with police—sometimes with fireworks and Molotov cocktails—and used bolt cutters to enter the site and torch construction equipment. (CJA’s Stop Cop City page features a cartoon illustration of three childlike activists; one brandishes bolt cutters.) The group also backs a legal defense fund for activists arrested in attacks on the training center or in other protests. For those looking for more inspiration, CJA links to an interview with former Black Panther and self-described revolutionary Angela Davis.
The Alliance is not an ideological outlier in Biden’s EJ coalition. On the contrary, when the White House assembled its White House Environmental Justice Advisory Council (WHEJAC), a panel of outside experts meant to provide “horizon-expanding EJ advice and recommendations,” it chose CJA co-chair Elizabeth Yeampierre to help lead the committee. Like other members of the panel, she sees environmental issues through an ideological, not a scientific, lens. “Climate change is the result of a legacy of extraction, of colonialism, of slavery,” Yeampierre told Yale Environment 360. As a group, radical EJ activists tend not to focus on pragmatic ways to reduce pollution and carbon emissions; for them, the real goal is overturning what they see as an exploitative economic and political system. Since these are the voices the White House chose to help shape its EJ policies, we can assume this worldview will dominate grantmaking decisions.
In February 2023, House Oversight Committee chairman James Comer, along with fellow committee member Pat Fallon, wrote to EPA administrator Regan asking for more information on the EPA’s grant programs. They noted that the EPA’s own studies of EJ grants issued in previous years showed sloppy supervision. According to an EPA report, an earlier version of the program funded projects that did “not logically lead to the desired environmental and/or public health [result].” Without better oversight and more clearly defined goals, the congressmen wrote, the EPA’s EJ grant machine risks becoming simply a “slush fund for far-left organizations.”
Since then, the administration has done little to reassure skeptics. To the contrary, the EPA has put at least one far-left organization—CJA—in charge of distributing $50 million in grant money. No doubt, many of the EPA grants will go to worthwhile projects. But money is fungible. A group that gets a large grant to, say, clean up dirty parks or teach children about recycling will also be able to hire more staff and divert more resources to political action.
With graduation behind them, most of the anti-Israel college protesters have stowed away their keffiyehs and moved on to summer vacations or internships. But the peripatetic activists who helped guide and intensify those uprisings are doubtless already planning their next actions. After all, two political conventions are looming. This fall, the college protests will likely flare up again, though by then perhaps focused on a different facet of the omnicause. And, with hundreds of millions in fresh funding flowing through the activist ecosystem, the groups that quietly nurture extremists—like those who firebombed “Cop City,” or who chant “Intifada Revolution!,” or who block bridges in the name of “climate”—will be more emboldened than ever.
A Slush Fund for Radical Protesters? City Journal (city-journal.org)
2024.06.01 11:49 Core_Concept_ 5 Essential Habits to Manage Arthritis: Find Relief with Core Concept
 | https://preview.redd.it/v1c2sfy1mx3d1.png?width=940&format=png&auto=webp&s=c92a31ccac1327d3a670677c4e4c8c84fc0bb356 submitted by Core_Concept_ to u/Core_Concept_ [link] [comments] Living with arthritis can be challenging, but there are steps you can take to ease the pain and improve your quality of life. Here are five essential habits to incorporate into your daily routine: Keep Moving: It might seem counterintuitive, but gentle exercise can actually help reduce arthritis pain by improving joint flexibility and strength. Strive to engage in approximately 150 minutes of moderate exercise weekly, with a focus on gentle activities that are easy on the joints. Opt for low-impact workouts such as leisurely walks, swimming sessions, or water aerobics to help maintain your physical fitness without putting excessive strain on your body. Maintain a Healthy Weight: Extra pounds put added stress on your joints, worsening arthritis symptoms. Attaining and sustaining a healthy weight can help alleviate strain on your joints and alleviate discomfort associated with arthritis. Seek guidance from your healthcare provider to establish a suitable weight goal tailored to your individual needs and circumstances. Mind Your Posture: Poor posture can exacerbate arthritis pain, so pay attention to how you sit and stand throughout the day. Sit and stand with proper alignment to reduce strain on your joints, and consider working with a physical therapist to learn correct posture techniques. Quit Smoking: Smoking not only harms your overall health but also contributes to joint and bone damage, making arthritis symptoms worse. If you smoke, seek assistance from your healthcare provider to develop a cessation strategy and improve your arthritis management. Find Balance: Stay physically active but listen to your body and rest when needed. Overexertion can worsen symptoms, so prioritize self-care and take breaks when necessary. In addition to these essential habits, it's important to follow your healthcare provider's recommendations for arthritis treatment. This may include taking prescribed medications, such as anti-inflammatories or pain relievers, to alleviate discomfort. For those with specific types of arthritis, biologic medications may also be recommended to target the immune system response. Lastly, don't forget to prioritize relaxation and stress management. Whether it's meditation, yoga, or pursuing hobbies, find what works for you and incorporate it into your routine. At Core Concept, we understand the challenges of living with arthritis. That's why we offer rheumatic rehab facilities and non-surgical solutions to help you manage pain and improve mobility. Contact us today to learn more about our services and start your journey towards better arthritis management. |
2024.06.01 11:48 Swimming-Most-6756 Where is the logic
 | I switched to paperless/electronic to save paper… and got this in the mail box 😂 submitted by Swimming-Most-6756 to Anticonsumption [link] [comments] The second photo is that of the medical paperwork trash. Both piles came from the same batch, the left is the pile to shred. The right pile is the pieces that have blank sides, which I repurpose as note paper. The shred pile is about 4 times bigger. 🤦♂️ |
2024.06.01 10:52 ReportsStack Lithography Metrology Equipment Market Size, Key Trends & Projected Growth Report from 2024 to 2030
The global lithography metrology equipment market is projected to grow at a significant CAGR of approximately 7% from 2024 to 2030. This growth is driven by several key factors. As semiconductor technology progresses towards smaller nodes, the need for precise measurements intensifies, boosting the demand for advanced metrology tools. The complexity of modern semiconductor designs, including FinFETs and 3D transistors, necessitates accurate verification, thereby enhancing the importance of metrology equipment. Furthermore, achieving higher yield and maintaining product quality are critical objectives, with metrology playing a vital role in defect detection and process optimization.
To know more about this study, request a free sample report @ https://www.researchcorridor.com/request-sample/?id=157863
Market Trends:
Miniaturization of Semiconductor Nodes: As semiconductor manufacturing moves towards smaller nodes, the demand for highly precise and accurate metrology equipment is increasing. Advanced lithography techniques require sophisticated metrology tools to measure and verify features at nanometer scales, driving the adoption of state-of-the-art equipment.
Rise of Advanced Semiconductor Designs: The development of complex semiconductor designs, such as FinFETs and 3D transistors, necessitates advanced metrology solutions. These designs involve intricate geometries and layer structures that require precise measurement and verification, fueling the demand for cutting-edge metrology equipment.
Emphasis on Yield Enhancement: Improving yield is a critical focus in semiconductor manufacturing. Metrology equipment plays a crucial role in detecting defects early in the process, allowing manufacturers to address issues promptly and enhance overall yield. This trend is driving investments in advanced metrology technologies to ensure high-quality production.
Integration of AI and Machine Learning: Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML) are increasingly being integrated into metrology equipment to enhance measurement accuracy and speed. These technologies enable predictive analytics, automated defect detection, and real-time process control, leading to more efficient semiconductor manufacturing processes.
Growth in 5G and IoT Applications: The proliferation of 5G technology and the Internet of Things (IoT) is expanding the demand for advanced semiconductors. This growth drives the need for precise metrology tools to ensure the performance and reliability of chips used in these applications, spurring market growth.
Market Opportunities:
The lithography metrology equipment market offers significant growth opportunities driven by advancements in semiconductor technology and increasing complexity in chip designs. As semiconductor nodes continue to shrink, the demand for precise and accurate metrology tools is rising, creating opportunities for manufacturers to develop cutting-edge equipment that can meet these stringent requirements. Additionally, the expansion of 5G technology and the Internet of Things (IoT) necessitates advanced semiconductors, further boosting the need for sophisticated metrology solutions. The integration of AI and machine learning into metrology equipment presents another opportunity to enhance measurement accuracy and efficiency, providing value-added solutions to semiconductor manufacturers. Furthermore, the growth of the semiconductor industry in emerging markets, particularly in Asia-Pacific, presents a lucrative opportunity for market expansion.
According to the recent report published by RC Market Analytics, the Global Lithography Metrology Equipment Market is expected to provide sustainable growth opportunities during the forecast period from 2024 to 2030. This latest industry research study analyzes the lithography metrology equipment market by various product segments, applications, regions and countries while assessing regional performances of numerous leading market participants. The report offers a holistic view of the lithography metrology equipment industry encompassing numerous stakeholders including raw material suppliers, providers, distributors, consumers and government agencies, among others. Furthermore, the report includes detailed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the global market considering market history, product development, regional dynamics, competitive landscape, and key success factors (KSFs) in the industry.
Browse the Full Report Discretion @ https://www.researchcorridor.com/lithography-metrology-equipment-market/
Geographically, the lithography metrology equipment market report comprises dedicated sections centering on the regional market revenue and trends. The lithography metrology equipment market has been segmented on the basis of geographic regions into North America, Europe, Asia Pacific, Latin America, and the Middle East & Africa. Lithography metrology equipment market estimates have also been provided for the historical years 2020 to 2023 along with forecast for the period from 2024 - 2030.The report includes a deep-dive analysis of key countries including the U.S., Canada, the U.K., Germany, France, Italy, China, Japan, India, Australia, Mexico, Brazil and South Africa, among others. Thereby, the report identifies unique growth opportunities across the world based on trends occurring in various developed and developing economies.
The Lithography Metrology Equipment Market Segmentation:
To know more about this study, request a free sample report @ https://www.researchcorridor.com/request-sample/?id=157863
Key Questions Answered by Lithography Metrology Equipment Market Report:
Media Contact:
Company Name: RC Market Analytics Pvt. Ltd. Contact Person: Vijendra Singh Email: sales@researchcorridor.com Visit us: https://www.researchcorridor.com/
submitted by ReportsStack to u/ReportsStack [link] [comments]
To know more about this study, request a free sample report @ https://www.researchcorridor.com/request-sample/?id=157863
Market Trends:
Miniaturization of Semiconductor Nodes: As semiconductor manufacturing moves towards smaller nodes, the demand for highly precise and accurate metrology equipment is increasing. Advanced lithography techniques require sophisticated metrology tools to measure and verify features at nanometer scales, driving the adoption of state-of-the-art equipment.
Rise of Advanced Semiconductor Designs: The development of complex semiconductor designs, such as FinFETs and 3D transistors, necessitates advanced metrology solutions. These designs involve intricate geometries and layer structures that require precise measurement and verification, fueling the demand for cutting-edge metrology equipment.
Emphasis on Yield Enhancement: Improving yield is a critical focus in semiconductor manufacturing. Metrology equipment plays a crucial role in detecting defects early in the process, allowing manufacturers to address issues promptly and enhance overall yield. This trend is driving investments in advanced metrology technologies to ensure high-quality production.
Integration of AI and Machine Learning: Artificial Intelligence (AI) and Machine Learning (ML) are increasingly being integrated into metrology equipment to enhance measurement accuracy and speed. These technologies enable predictive analytics, automated defect detection, and real-time process control, leading to more efficient semiconductor manufacturing processes.
Growth in 5G and IoT Applications: The proliferation of 5G technology and the Internet of Things (IoT) is expanding the demand for advanced semiconductors. This growth drives the need for precise metrology tools to ensure the performance and reliability of chips used in these applications, spurring market growth.
Market Opportunities:
The lithography metrology equipment market offers significant growth opportunities driven by advancements in semiconductor technology and increasing complexity in chip designs. As semiconductor nodes continue to shrink, the demand for precise and accurate metrology tools is rising, creating opportunities for manufacturers to develop cutting-edge equipment that can meet these stringent requirements. Additionally, the expansion of 5G technology and the Internet of Things (IoT) necessitates advanced semiconductors, further boosting the need for sophisticated metrology solutions. The integration of AI and machine learning into metrology equipment presents another opportunity to enhance measurement accuracy and efficiency, providing value-added solutions to semiconductor manufacturers. Furthermore, the growth of the semiconductor industry in emerging markets, particularly in Asia-Pacific, presents a lucrative opportunity for market expansion.
According to the recent report published by RC Market Analytics, the Global Lithography Metrology Equipment Market is expected to provide sustainable growth opportunities during the forecast period from 2024 to 2030. This latest industry research study analyzes the lithography metrology equipment market by various product segments, applications, regions and countries while assessing regional performances of numerous leading market participants. The report offers a holistic view of the lithography metrology equipment industry encompassing numerous stakeholders including raw material suppliers, providers, distributors, consumers and government agencies, among others. Furthermore, the report includes detailed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the global market considering market history, product development, regional dynamics, competitive landscape, and key success factors (KSFs) in the industry.
Browse the Full Report Discretion @ https://www.researchcorridor.com/lithography-metrology-equipment-market/
Geographically, the lithography metrology equipment market report comprises dedicated sections centering on the regional market revenue and trends. The lithography metrology equipment market has been segmented on the basis of geographic regions into North America, Europe, Asia Pacific, Latin America, and the Middle East & Africa. Lithography metrology equipment market estimates have also been provided for the historical years 2020 to 2023 along with forecast for the period from 2024 - 2030.The report includes a deep-dive analysis of key countries including the U.S., Canada, the U.K., Germany, France, Italy, China, Japan, India, Australia, Mexico, Brazil and South Africa, among others. Thereby, the report identifies unique growth opportunities across the world based on trends occurring in various developed and developing economies.
The Lithography Metrology Equipment Market Segmentation:
By Technology:
- Critical-Dimension Scanning Electron Microscope (CD-SEM)
- Optical Critical Dimension Metrology (OCD)
- Overlay Control
- Others
By Product:
- Chemical Control Equipment
- Gas Control Equipment
- Others
By Application:
- Quality Control and Inspection
- Reverse Engineering
- Virtual Simulation
- Others
By Region:
- North America
- Europe
- Asia Pacific
- Latin America
- Middle East & Africa
To know more about this study, request a free sample report @ https://www.researchcorridor.com/request-sample/?id=157863
Key Questions Answered by Lithography Metrology Equipment Market Report:
- Product popularity and adoption based on various country-level dynamics
- Regional presence and product development for leading market participants
- Market forecasts and trend analysis based on ongoing investments and economic growth in key countries
- Competitive landscape based on revenue, product offerings, years of presence, number of employees and market concentration, among others
- Various industry models such as SWOT analysis, Pestle Analysis, Porter’s Five Force model, Value Chain Analysis pertaining to Lithography Metrology Equipment market
- Analysis of the key factors driving and restraining the growth of the global, regional and country-level markets from 2020-2030
Media Contact:
Company Name: RC Market Analytics Pvt. Ltd. Contact Person: Vijendra Singh Email: sales@researchcorridor.com Visit us: https://www.researchcorridor.com/
2024.06.01 10:37 whatamidoin4 Does anyone know why I am getting multiple bands for ligase result?
 | https://preview.redd.it/k1mbx3ql7x3d1.png?width=402&format=png&auto=webp&s=655efda79954341d7239a525025011485ae948c0 submitted by whatamidoin4 to labrats [link] [comments] UC = uncut plasmid DNA CUT = cut plasmid DNA using Hind III restriction enzyme. Hind III single cut Ligation = cut plasmid DNA + ligase enzyme Topo = cut plasmid DNA + topoisomerase I L + T = cut plasmid DNA + ligase + topoisomerase I
|
2024.06.01 10:29 zollo254 Seeking Opportunities: Experienced Remote Assistant for Owner Operators
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submitted by zollo254 to FreightBrokers [link] [comments]
I hope this message finds you well. My name is Skilooh!! and I am a motivated and savvy go-getter with experience in assisting owner-operators remotely. I am looking to connect with individuals or companies who might need support in managing their logistics and clerical tasks.
About Me: I have a solid background in working with owner-operators, helping them streamline their operations and focus on what they do best – driving. My key skills include:
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2024.06.01 10:19 zanpancan Draft 1
Suprabhat, Vannakam, Adab and Welcome to the 2024 LOK SABHA GENERAL ELECTION THUNDERDOME.
NO RULES, NO LIMITS, ONLY CHAOS.
THE CAGE -
India is a parliamentary democracy that follows the first-past-the-post voting system, similar to the standard Westminster System. The Lower House of the Indian Parliament (Lok Sabha) consists of 543 seats representing 543 constituencies that send 1 Member of Parliament (MP) each. These 543 MP's then choose a prime minister via simple majority.
For each constituency, a political party gives a ticket to a single Candidate. The Candidate with at least a plurality of votes in a constituency represents that Constituency in parliament as a member of the party.
There are no party level primaries in India, the candidate for a constituency is decided by the party high command and only one person from a party can be on the ticket for a particular seat. You can contest multiple constituencies though from the same party as both Narendra Modi (2014 BJP Candidate for both Varanasi and Vadodara) and Rahul Gandhi (2024 Congress Candidate for both Rae Bareili and Wayanad) have done. If no existing political party gives you a ticket, you can contest as an Independent Candidate or form your own party and contest as a member of your own party.
The government can be formed by the party or the alliance that has a simple majority of MP's. When no single political party has a majority of MP's, an alliance of various parties can be formed that contains the majority of MP's. This is called a post-poll alliance, where the parties contest elections separately but might come together after the elections in order to form the government or be part of the government. However there is also the pre-poll alliance where political parties join or form an alliance before the elections.
THE DATES -
THE RESULTS -
EXIT POLLS -
THE FIGHTS -
Economy & Employment:
The incumbent BJP-led NDA government makes the positive case of economic growth and development under its decade long tenure. It points to strong rejuvenated GDP growth with relatively low inflation, rising wages, a growing middle class, stable macroeconomic positioning, strong spending, slashing of multidimensional poverty, a strong and well administered welfare state, expanded free trade, sharp reduction in regulation, increase in select manufacturing and industry, a revitalized finance sector, and a thriving service market.
The government points to the large-scale infrastructure development undertaken, expanding roadways, delivering expansive electrification, and provisions of basic utility services. They point to the stagnation and policy paralysis observed under the tenure of the last Congress government (UPA 2), and further make point to the opposition's alleged proposed populist economic programs as untenable and unfeasible. They make the case that the opposition has leftist economic policies that are not grounded in economic reality.
The INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition on the other hand, makes the negative case against the incumbents, pointing to large scale youth unemployment, even among educated youth. They point to an alleged inability of the government to tie growth to employment. They allege a failure of manufacturing capacity and sufficient industrialization of the economy, highlighting the lack of sufficient private capital inflows. They criticize the growth figures of the economy by casting doubt on the government's statistics, and focusing extensively on growing wealth inequality, alleging that growth only occurs for the rich billionaire class, with minimal relief for the poor, targeting specific attacks against domestic industrial magnates, Adani and Ambani. They allege favoritism on the part of the incumbent government towards their select base, highlighting the state of Gujarat as being prioritized over other states.
In making their positive case, they propose a more inclusive and redistributive model of growth, proposing heightened subsidization programmes, more welfare and support programmes, higher taxation on the wealthy and corporations, leveraging private capital inflows for infrastructure development, and prioritizing equitable growth through a caste census, developing corrective policies for inequalities between castes.
They aim to solve the employment crisis through expanding roles in state enterprises and filling government vacancies, alongside expanding labour intensive industries like manufacturing and mining, whilst pointing to high growth rates of the economy as well as committing to expand manufacturing through reforms and subsidy platforms like the PLI, FAME etc., further claiming that increased infrastructure spending will lead to crowding in effect thus enabling faster industrialization.
Social Justice:
The issues of social equity and justice have become major cornerstones of both the incumbent and opposition electoral platforms. This is most prevalent through the forthcoming section on sectarianism, but also focuses on key issues regarding class equality and - most importantly - caste-based discrimination.
The incumbent BJP-led NDA government point to their solid track record of universal poverty alleviation, targeted successful welfare and affirmative action programmes. The INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition on the other hand, point to growing wealth inequality and apparent institutional and systemic discrimination against underprivileged caste communities in academia, employment, governmental programmes, courts, the military, etc. They allege that the government has not committed to taking resolute and definitive action against casteism through corrective policy.
This all boils down to the Reservation system, a large scale, affirmative action initiative, conducted through a systematic quota-based policy of allotment of institutional positions in education, governmental employment, schemes and programmes, direct political representation, etc.
With reservations estimated to have hit 59.5% of Central Government Institutional positions, there are now broader calls to expand the scale and scope of this drive. The opposition wanting to break the cap limits and even introduce this system into the private sector to potentially induce parity, while the government commits to more modest hikes of upto 62.5% while playing into incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi's identity as a member of an underprivileged caste community.
While the opposition campaigns on removing limits to the quota system to deliver equity, the government alleges these commitments to be populist and detrimental, while alleging that the opposition seeks to potentially appease its Muslim voter base by introducing expanded reservations for Muslims, thereby allegedly sabotaging the disadvantaged Hindu lower castes, and redistributing their wealth to Muslims, in a bid to gain their votes.
Communalism:
Both the incumbent BJP-led NDA government and the INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition have framed communalism as a lynchpin issue of the Election. The incumbent government points to alleged casteist and bigoted rhetoric against select caste groups and Hindus. They allege the opposition panders to minorities for their votes, whilst not delivering on the real issues. They allege the opposition seeks to drive up divisiveness and shared social harmony in India. They further allege that the opposition engages in divisive rhetoric on key issues of Hindu-Indian culture like that of the Ram Temple, in ways that contradict the spirit of the Indian State.
The opposition on the other hand, accused the incumbent government of being bigoted against minority communities, from the large Muslim community, to the lower caste communities of Indian society. They allege use of hateful and divisive rhetoric against these communities, and point to select controversial government positions and policies on issues like the Ram Mandir, the controversial CAA-NRC laws, the proposed Uniform Civil Code, among others. They further allege institutional degradation of key offices including policing, academia, and the military in discriminating against minority groups.
Institutional Independence:
The INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition alleges institutional degradation and capture of various independent governmental entities by the incumbents. They point to the use of Executive, Investigative, Anti-Corruption, Enforcement, & Tax authorities against opposition figures and media as evidence, highlighting specific cases of the detaining and arrest of two sitting opposition Chief Ministers, and the resignation of one. They highlight alleged selective targeting of opposition figures for raids, charges, and arrests, creating an alleged environment of impunity for the government. The opposition alleges heightened and blatant partisanship of members of the Judiciary in support of the incumbent government. They also allege illegitimate freezing of campaigning funds, crackdowns on press freedoms via capture of media institutions, and also critically alleges institutional capture of the Election Commission, casting doubts on election results primarily critiquing India's Electronic Voting Machines (EVM).
The Government rebukes these claims as part of a strong anti-corruption drive, highlighting a drop in governmental corruption cases since the previous Congress government (UPA 2, infamously riddled with such allegations). The government frames the opposition parties as corrupt and power-hungry, while further disparaging the opposition's alleged unfounded attacks on Indian institutions, apparent partisan attacks on the judiciary and critiquing apparent unfounded claims of election denialism.
THE FIGHTERS –
The election is primarily clash between two large coalitions, and their leading parties. On one side, you have the incumbent government of the BJP-led NDA, or National Democratic Alliance, and on the other, you have the opposition INC-led I.N.D.I.A, or Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, a new mega coalition of more than 35 parties, with a few unofficial supporters too.
The following is a list of some key players in each of the alliances and is by no means a comprehensive or exhaustive list of all involved factions.
The incumbent NDA includes:
Also because one family has been controlling the Congress for decades, it has caused various state-level leaders to either form their own party or join another one. They see no future in the Congress anymore because the door to leadership is always closed for them. This has destroyed the ground level cadre of Congress party in many key states.
Rahul Gandhi’s privilege combined with the lack of any real political acumen so far has led to the INC taking damage due to is infamy.
Nepotism and dynastic politics has been a key issue throughout the last 10 years as BJP positions itself as the ‘common man’s party’
Following a century of sporadic conflict, from 1853 to 1949, a revivalist movement in the 1980's would lead to rising communal tensions, culminating in the 1992 destruction of the Ram Temple by Hindu Nationalists and devotees.
The legal conflict over the land would continue until 2019, when the Supreme Court of India issued the controversial ruling that the land be handed over to government trust for the construction of a Ram Temple, with seperate land being allotted to the local Muslim community for construction of a Mosque.
Almost all elements of the dispute remain mired in controversy. From the historical and religious associations of Ayodhya with Ram, the existence of a definitively Hindu structure, the alleged deliberate destruction of the said temple, the times and events of construction and use, the participants, planning, and events of the 1992 destruction, the ASI Archeological Surveys that served as key evidence for the Supreme Court being tampered and politicised by both sides of the politcal aisle, the legality of the ruling itself, and other surrounding issues regarding justice against those alleged to have partaken in the destruction of the Babri Masjid.
SUPPLEMENTARY SOURCES:
submitted by zanpancan to u/zanpancan [link] [comments]
NO RULES, NO LIMITS, ONLY CHAOS.
THE CAGE -
India is a parliamentary democracy that follows the first-past-the-post voting system, similar to the standard Westminster System. The Lower House of the Indian Parliament (Lok Sabha) consists of 543 seats representing 543 constituencies that send 1 Member of Parliament (MP) each. These 543 MP's then choose a prime minister via simple majority.
For each constituency, a political party gives a ticket to a single Candidate. The Candidate with at least a plurality of votes in a constituency represents that Constituency in parliament as a member of the party.
There are no party level primaries in India, the candidate for a constituency is decided by the party high command and only one person from a party can be on the ticket for a particular seat. You can contest multiple constituencies though from the same party as both Narendra Modi (2014 BJP Candidate for both Varanasi and Vadodara) and Rahul Gandhi (2024 Congress Candidate for both Rae Bareili and Wayanad) have done. If no existing political party gives you a ticket, you can contest as an Independent Candidate or form your own party and contest as a member of your own party.
The government can be formed by the party or the alliance that has a simple majority of MP's. When no single political party has a majority of MP's, an alliance of various parties can be formed that contains the majority of MP's. This is called a post-poll alliance, where the parties contest elections separately but might come together after the elections in order to form the government or be part of the government. However there is also the pre-poll alliance where political parties join or form an alliance before the elections.
THE DATES -
THE RESULTS -
EXIT POLLS -
THE FIGHTS -
Economy & Employment:
The incumbent BJP-led NDA government makes the positive case of economic growth and development under its decade long tenure. It points to strong rejuvenated GDP growth with relatively low inflation, rising wages, a growing middle class, stable macroeconomic positioning, strong spending, slashing of multidimensional poverty, a strong and well administered welfare state, expanded free trade, sharp reduction in regulation, increase in select manufacturing and industry, a revitalized finance sector, and a thriving service market.
The government points to the large-scale infrastructure development undertaken, expanding roadways, delivering expansive electrification, and provisions of basic utility services. They point to the stagnation and policy paralysis observed under the tenure of the last Congress government (UPA 2), and further make point to the opposition's alleged proposed populist economic programs as untenable and unfeasible. They make the case that the opposition has leftist economic policies that are not grounded in economic reality.
The INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition on the other hand, makes the negative case against the incumbents, pointing to large scale youth unemployment, even among educated youth. They point to an alleged inability of the government to tie growth to employment. They allege a failure of manufacturing capacity and sufficient industrialization of the economy, highlighting the lack of sufficient private capital inflows. They criticize the growth figures of the economy by casting doubt on the government's statistics, and focusing extensively on growing wealth inequality, alleging that growth only occurs for the rich billionaire class, with minimal relief for the poor, targeting specific attacks against domestic industrial magnates, Adani and Ambani. They allege favoritism on the part of the incumbent government towards their select base, highlighting the state of Gujarat as being prioritized over other states.
In making their positive case, they propose a more inclusive and redistributive model of growth, proposing heightened subsidization programmes, more welfare and support programmes, higher taxation on the wealthy and corporations, leveraging private capital inflows for infrastructure development, and prioritizing equitable growth through a caste census, developing corrective policies for inequalities between castes.
They aim to solve the employment crisis through expanding roles in state enterprises and filling government vacancies, alongside expanding labour intensive industries like manufacturing and mining, whilst pointing to high growth rates of the economy as well as committing to expand manufacturing through reforms and subsidy platforms like the PLI, FAME etc., further claiming that increased infrastructure spending will lead to crowding in effect thus enabling faster industrialization.
Social Justice:
The issues of social equity and justice have become major cornerstones of both the incumbent and opposition electoral platforms. This is most prevalent through the forthcoming section on sectarianism, but also focuses on key issues regarding class equality and - most importantly - caste-based discrimination.
The incumbent BJP-led NDA government point to their solid track record of universal poverty alleviation, targeted successful welfare and affirmative action programmes. The INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition on the other hand, point to growing wealth inequality and apparent institutional and systemic discrimination against underprivileged caste communities in academia, employment, governmental programmes, courts, the military, etc. They allege that the government has not committed to taking resolute and definitive action against casteism through corrective policy.
This all boils down to the Reservation system, a large scale, affirmative action initiative, conducted through a systematic quota-based policy of allotment of institutional positions in education, governmental employment, schemes and programmes, direct political representation, etc.
With reservations estimated to have hit 59.5% of Central Government Institutional positions, there are now broader calls to expand the scale and scope of this drive. The opposition wanting to break the cap limits and even introduce this system into the private sector to potentially induce parity, while the government commits to more modest hikes of upto 62.5% while playing into incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi's identity as a member of an underprivileged caste community.
While the opposition campaigns on removing limits to the quota system to deliver equity, the government alleges these commitments to be populist and detrimental, while alleging that the opposition seeks to potentially appease its Muslim voter base by introducing expanded reservations for Muslims, thereby allegedly sabotaging the disadvantaged Hindu lower castes, and redistributing their wealth to Muslims, in a bid to gain their votes.
Communalism:
Both the incumbent BJP-led NDA government and the INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition have framed communalism as a lynchpin issue of the Election. The incumbent government points to alleged casteist and bigoted rhetoric against select caste groups and Hindus. They allege the opposition panders to minorities for their votes, whilst not delivering on the real issues. They allege the opposition seeks to drive up divisiveness and shared social harmony in India. They further allege that the opposition engages in divisive rhetoric on key issues of Hindu-Indian culture like that of the Ram Temple, in ways that contradict the spirit of the Indian State.
The opposition on the other hand, accused the incumbent government of being bigoted against minority communities, from the large Muslim community, to the lower caste communities of Indian society. They allege use of hateful and divisive rhetoric against these communities, and point to select controversial government positions and policies on issues like the Ram Mandir, the controversial CAA-NRC laws, the proposed Uniform Civil Code, among others. They further allege institutional degradation of key offices including policing, academia, and the military in discriminating against minority groups.
Institutional Independence:
The INC-led I.N.D.I.A opposition alleges institutional degradation and capture of various independent governmental entities by the incumbents. They point to the use of Executive, Investigative, Anti-Corruption, Enforcement, & Tax authorities against opposition figures and media as evidence, highlighting specific cases of the detaining and arrest of two sitting opposition Chief Ministers, and the resignation of one. They highlight alleged selective targeting of opposition figures for raids, charges, and arrests, creating an alleged environment of impunity for the government. The opposition alleges heightened and blatant partisanship of members of the Judiciary in support of the incumbent government. They also allege illegitimate freezing of campaigning funds, crackdowns on press freedoms via capture of media institutions, and also critically alleges institutional capture of the Election Commission, casting doubts on election results primarily critiquing India's Electronic Voting Machines (EVM).
The Government rebukes these claims as part of a strong anti-corruption drive, highlighting a drop in governmental corruption cases since the previous Congress government (UPA 2, infamously riddled with such allegations). The government frames the opposition parties as corrupt and power-hungry, while further disparaging the opposition's alleged unfounded attacks on Indian institutions, apparent partisan attacks on the judiciary and critiquing apparent unfounded claims of election denialism.
THE FIGHTERS –
The election is primarily clash between two large coalitions, and their leading parties. On one side, you have the incumbent government of the BJP-led NDA, or National Democratic Alliance, and on the other, you have the opposition INC-led I.N.D.I.A, or Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance, a new mega coalition of more than 35 parties, with a few unofficial supporters too.
The following is a list of some key players in each of the alliances and is by no means a comprehensive or exhaustive list of all involved factions.
The incumbent NDA includes:
- BJP – The BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party - "Indian People's Party") is a Hindu nationalist party committed to Hindutva ideology, promoting Hindu culture, opposing Muslim immigration, and creating a nativist country wherein India embraces a fundamentally Hindu social fabric. The BJP government under Modi undertook strong reformist policies in promoting liberalization of the economy through aggressive regulatory reforms, furthering free trade through FTAs and privatization of underperforming state assets. They took aggressive stances on defense and counterterrorism against Pakistan and China, while pragmatically engaging other nations despite criticism on some foreign policy moves for being 'wolf warrior-esque'. They uphold a strong nationalist domestic and foreign policy, that simultaneously does not retreat from globalization. On National Security, they aim to make India a regional power with a strong emphasis on modernization & indigenization of military administration and technology, while also reducing bureaucratic and manpower burdens through varied recruitment windows.
- JD(U) - The JD(U) (Janata Dal (United) – “People’s Party (United)”) is led by Bihar CM Nitish Kumar and has been in power in the eastern state of Bihar since 2005. It was formed after a series of splits and mergers in the Janata Dal in the 90s. It is credited with doing good work in the state on roads, electricity, and water, however it has failed to provide jobs & spur manufacturing. This, combined with its leader frequently switching between rival alliances, is causing anti-incumbency.
- TDP - The TDP (Telugu Desam Party – “Party of the Telugu Land") follows a pro-Telugu ideology. It was founded as an alternative to the Congress hegemony, by emphasizing Telugu regional pride and serving as the party for farmers, backward castes and middle-class people. Since the 1990s, it has followed an economically liberal policy that has been seen as pro-business and pro-development as well as populist welfare measures.
- INC - The INC (Indian National Congress) is a big tent social-democratic/democratic-socialist party with its foundational pillars being equity, equality, and egalitarianism. They take broad commitments to secularism and class equality to be principal positions. The INC under Rahul Gandhi has taken strong positions on caste issues, shining light on inequities from past and current discrimination, and proposing active policy interventions. While the INC also holds a free-market/pro-liberalization consensus, they emphasize growing social and wealth inequality and seek inclusive and redistributive growth with strong state intervention. They also see some proposed liberalizing reforms to further inequality and take an 'anti-corporatist' position. They take a slightly less strong position to Indian foreign policy, stressing a more diplomatic approach (with minimal variance on actual positions to the incumbents). They embrace globalization in part, while emphasizing India's need for domestic development. They aim to industrialize India rapidly through stimulating private investment and aim to subsidize both supply and demand. They seek to maintain the Indian military with a focus on highly trained soldiers. They pioneered multi-alignment as the foreign policy for India.
- AAP - The AAP (Aam Aadmi Party – “Common Man's Party"), part of INDIA coalition, currently holds power in two key states - Delhi and Punjab. Its chief figurehead and leader, Arvind Kejriwal, the Chief Minister of Delhi, was arrested by the Enforcement Directorate under an alleged liquor scam in the run up to elections. Barely a 10 year old party it has expanded very quickly to many states, running two of them, and now has national party status by the Election Commission of India (ECI). It leans centre-left to centre-right, with some play of soft Hindutva, while its economic platform comprises heavy spending in education, health, and free schemes of water and electricity. They rose to power on an anti-corruption program in 2013 and continues to have it as its central plank.
- CPI(M) – The CPI(M) (Communist Party of India (Marxist)). They commies lol. The CPI(M) is one of the larger and more mainstrean communist parties in India. Since they operate within the Indian republic's constitution they have adopted more Indian characterisrics. They are primarily against privatisation in the public sector and in favour of universal education and healthcare. Their base has traditionally been in Kerala, one of the more developed states in India in terms of income levels and HCI. they're in favour of private sector reservations and in recent years have also been pro-FDI They promise non-aligned foreign policy, but largely are very anti-US and pro-China. They promise to restore Article 370 and oppose forceful seizure of land by government. They're one of the most influential parties in India due to a strong cadre and student union ecosystem. They've had an effect on the farmers protests as well as economic positions of the INDI Alliance.
- DMK - The DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam - “Dravidian Progressive Federation") is a big tent broad left-wing party that is foundationally Dravidian (primarily Tamil) Nationalist, with strong emphasis on social equity and caste issues, while being staunchly secular and atheistic, and interventionist, statist, heavily welfarist, and industrialist in economic policy. They are primarily a regional party operating in the state of Tamil Nadu, led by M.K. Stalin, the state's current Chief Minister.
- RJD - The RJD (Rashtriya Janata Dal – “National People’s Party”) is a caste-based (Muslims & Yadavs) political party in the Indian state of Bihar, which it ruled from 1990 to 2005. Its rule was one of extreme lawlessness & anarchy. It was called the “Jungle Raj”. Between 1990 & 2000, Bihar's per capita income and power consumption fell off a cliff due to mismanagement. Its CM, Lalu Prasad, was convicted of corruption in 2013.
- SP - The SP (Samajwadi Party – “Socialist Party”) believes in creating a socialist society that operates on the principle of equality. Although the party previously ran on an anti-computer, anti-English, and anti-machinery platform, under its new national president Akhilesh Yadav, the party has made a 180° turn. Now, the Samajwadi Party declares itself to be the party of infrastructure while maintaining its commitment to social justice, with a special focus on teaching computer skills. The party's main base is in the state of Uttar Pradesh, which is the most populated state in India, with a population of 230 million. The only negatives associated with the party are the rampant dynasticism within its ranks and its perceived soft stance on law and order issues.
- JMM - The JMM (Jharkhand Mukti Morcha – “Jharkhand Liberation Front") currently runs the govt of eastern state of Jharkhand. The party has historically centred tribal rights as its central plank and agitated for a new tribal state separate from Bihar until 2000, when their demands were met. It leans centre-left to left with their key issues being tribal control of land, mineral and mining rights, addressing issues of rehabilitation of tribals. The party is primarily run by the Soren family, with Champai Soren being its chief minister candidate in the current government after the last chief minister Hemant Soren was arrested by enforcement directorate. JMM is in alliance with the Indian national congress in the state, and part of the INDIA coalition for the Lok Sabha elections. They face charges of corruption and the image of dynastic politics.
- TMC - The TMC or AITC (All India Trinamool Congress) is a Bengali political party ruling over the state of West Bengal since 2011. It is led by Mamata Banerjee and her nephew Abhishek Banerjee. It is a center-left, welfarist, Bengali Nationalist party. It has been criticized for using heavy-handed authoritarian tactics against opposition leaders in the state, corruption, and political violence. It is credited with ending 34 years of communist rule in the state. West Bengal under the AITC has registered subpar economic performance and is largely stagnant. Pertinent to note Mamata used to be Congress leader till 1998, and AITC, in spite of being sympathetic towards the I.N.D.I.A. alliance at the national level, is fighting the Congress-Left alliance in West Bengal on all 42 seats.
- AIADMK - The AIADMK (All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam – “All India Anna Dravidian Progressive Federation") is a broad centre-left/left-wing party adhering to foundational Dravidian philosophy, while emphasizing Tamil identity. Traditionally being less ethno-nationalist than their sister opposition party the DMK, they adhere to broad welfarist left-wing populism, focusing on social justice and communal equity, while being less economically statist than the DMK. They also focus primarily on Tamil Nadu as a regional party, currently led by Edappadi Palaniswami.
- Shiv Sena - The Shiv Sena (“Army of Shivaji”) was founded by Bal Thackeray in 1966 as a populist, xenophobic party, although the party gradually added Hindutva ideology to its anti non-Maharashtrian plank. It was the long time senior partner to the BJP in Maharashtra till Narendra Modi's popularity caused a change in the dynamics. After power sharing talks with the BJP failed in 2019, the Shiv Sena switched alliances to join hands with their long time rivals in Congress and NCP in an arrangement that made Bal Thackeray’s son Uddhav Thackeray the Chief Minister of Maharashtra. In 2022 again, The Majority of Shiv Sena politicians led by Eknath Shinde rebelled against the top leadership to ally again with the BJP, taking control of the party and toppling the Uddhav Thackeray government. The splinter group led by Uddhav Thackeray is called SS (UBT) and it is allied with the Congress in the INDIA Alliance.
- NCP – The NCP (Nationalist Congress Party) were founded in 1998 by Sharad Pawar and a few others who left the Congress in 1998 after Sonia Gandhi was made Congress president. Despite it's formation, the NCP was a long term ally of the Congress sharing virtually the same ideology. In 2023 however, like the Shiv Sena, In a rebellion led by Sharad Pawar's nephew Ajit, a Majority of NCP politicians switched alliances to support the BJP and took control of the party. Like the Shiv Sena, the Splinter group led by Sharad Pawar and his daughter is called NCP (SP) and it's allied with the Congress in the INDIA Alliance
- YSRCP - The YSRCP (Yuvjana Sramika Rythu Congress Party – “Youth, Labour, & Farmer Congress Party”) was founded by the son of an old congress Chief Minister after he was denied the role of Chief Minister after his father. It's a populist centre-of-left party with strong focus on welfare schemes and cash benefits. It's mired in controversy due to its dynastic nature, its ties to Christian Fundamentalism and American Missionaries targeting the marginalized.
- BRS - The BRS (Bharatiya Rashtra Samithi – “Indian National Council”) was formed originally with a single-point agenda of creating a separate Telangana state with Hyderabad as its capital. They are largely neoliberal and are credited with rapid economic growth in Telangana.
- BJD – The BJD (Biju Janata Dal – “Biju’s People’ Platform”) was formed by Naveen Pattnaik the son of the former CM of Oddisha, Biju Pattnaik. It’s a Odia regional party with a strong focus on poverty upliftment through welfare policies and equitable economic growth.
- BSP - The BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party - "Majority Community Party") is a center-left party in the state of Uttar Pradesh, which was started to uplift Dalits and other marginalized communities in India by Kanshi Ram. Its current party president is Mayawati. BSP is considered as one of the biggest parties in India as per vote share, although it's currently in decline. At its height, this party had a strong base in many states across north India, but now it's only limited to the state of Uttar Pradesh, which is one of the largest states in India with a population of 230 million. There are strong suspicions of BSP working in secret with BJP, and maybe that's why the party is not fighting this election enthusiastically. Although they can still make the competition interesting on a few seats in UP.
- Political Dynasticism:
Also because one family has been controlling the Congress for decades, it has caused various state-level leaders to either form their own party or join another one. They see no future in the Congress anymore because the door to leadership is always closed for them. This has destroyed the ground level cadre of Congress party in many key states.
Rahul Gandhi’s privilege combined with the lack of any real political acumen so far has led to the INC taking damage due to is infamy.
Nepotism and dynastic politics has been a key issue throughout the last 10 years as BJP positions itself as the ‘common man’s party’
- The Ram Mandir:
Following a century of sporadic conflict, from 1853 to 1949, a revivalist movement in the 1980's would lead to rising communal tensions, culminating in the 1992 destruction of the Ram Temple by Hindu Nationalists and devotees.
The legal conflict over the land would continue until 2019, when the Supreme Court of India issued the controversial ruling that the land be handed over to government trust for the construction of a Ram Temple, with seperate land being allotted to the local Muslim community for construction of a Mosque.
Almost all elements of the dispute remain mired in controversy. From the historical and religious associations of Ayodhya with Ram, the existence of a definitively Hindu structure, the alleged deliberate destruction of the said temple, the times and events of construction and use, the participants, planning, and events of the 1992 destruction, the ASI Archeological Surveys that served as key evidence for the Supreme Court being tampered and politicised by both sides of the politcal aisle, the legality of the ruling itself, and other surrounding issues regarding justice against those alleged to have partaken in the destruction of the Babri Masjid.
- Foreign Policy:
SUPPLEMENTARY SOURCES:
2024.06.01 10:18 hanaze_ This is crazy
 | I like surgery odds when I'm poor :> submitted by hanaze_ to growtopia [link] [comments] |
2024.06.01 10:13 Betta77776 Subreddit Linking To The Helldivers Wiki
Hey everyone!
I am the main administrator of the Helldivers Wiki on wiki.gg! I wanted to see what the community thought about getting our wiki linked on this subreddit to be a resource for the community! I have tried to reach out to the mod team, but while waiting for a response I wanted to see what the community thought about the idea.
If you wanted to check out what we have been creating, you can find us at https://helldivers.wiki.gg/
Please let me know if you have any questions, comments, concerns, or anything you would like to see added to our wiki!
Thanks much, Betta7776
submitted by Betta77776 to helldivers2 [link] [comments]
I am the main administrator of the Helldivers Wiki on wiki.gg! I wanted to see what the community thought about getting our wiki linked on this subreddit to be a resource for the community! I have tried to reach out to the mod team, but while waiting for a response I wanted to see what the community thought about the idea.
If you wanted to check out what we have been creating, you can find us at https://helldivers.wiki.gg/
Please let me know if you have any questions, comments, concerns, or anything you would like to see added to our wiki!
Thanks much, Betta7776
2024.06.01 10:13 WorkingTheMadses #gamedev tip: If you make use of raw controller input but you want to get something a little less jarringly precise to give the player better perceived fine-grained control, you can use input sampling (see comments for more info)
```csharp private float GetSampledInput(ref int sampleIndex, ref float[] samples, float axisValue) { sampleIndex += 1; if(sampleIndex >= samples.Length) sampleIndex = 0; samples[sampleIndex] = axisValue; return SampleAxis(samples); }
private float SampleAxis(float[] samples) { float result = 0f; for(int i = 0; i < samples.Length; i++) { result += samples[I]; } result /= samples.Length; return result; } ```
If you make use of raw controller input but you want to get something a little less jarringly precise to give the player better perceived fine-grained control, one of the easiest ways to do this is to make use of input sampling. The easiest way to accomplish it, is to collect controller input in a fixed-sized array every frame and then get the average of all recorded inputs to apply to the input that gets passed off to your transformations.
In my engine agnostic example you'll find GetSampledInput and SampleAxis to get sampled input from a controller joystick. In the first function you pass the index of where you are currently at in the samples array (you may have multiple sampling arrays with individual indices). Seeing as you record input every frame, this index goes up every frame and then loops back around to zero once the index is equal to the length of the sample array (it starts at -1 at the start of the programs execution). This way you will continuously overwrite your values frame by frame correctly. The included axis value then gets added to the samples array as well.
Then in SampleAxis I return the actual sampled input value that I want to use in place of the raw controller input to the rest of my code.
PLEASE NOTE: One drawback to this approach is that you can't have a sample rate that's too high or the player will perceive the input as lagging behind what they intended. You might want this for your purposes though depending on what kind of controller you are making. I tend to find that for precise player controllers, 10-20 samples is quite good but you'll have to experiment to find out what works for your use-case.
submitted by WorkingTheMadses to gamedev [link] [comments]
private float SampleAxis(float[] samples) { float result = 0f; for(int i = 0; i < samples.Length; i++) { result += samples[I]; } result /= samples.Length; return result; } ```
If you make use of raw controller input but you want to get something a little less jarringly precise to give the player better perceived fine-grained control, one of the easiest ways to do this is to make use of input sampling. The easiest way to accomplish it, is to collect controller input in a fixed-sized array every frame and then get the average of all recorded inputs to apply to the input that gets passed off to your transformations.
In my engine agnostic example you'll find GetSampledInput and SampleAxis to get sampled input from a controller joystick. In the first function you pass the index of where you are currently at in the samples array (you may have multiple sampling arrays with individual indices). Seeing as you record input every frame, this index goes up every frame and then loops back around to zero once the index is equal to the length of the sample array (it starts at -1 at the start of the programs execution). This way you will continuously overwrite your values frame by frame correctly. The included axis value then gets added to the samples array as well.
Then in SampleAxis I return the actual sampled input value that I want to use in place of the raw controller input to the rest of my code.
PLEASE NOTE: One drawback to this approach is that you can't have a sample rate that's too high or the player will perceive the input as lagging behind what they intended. You might want this for your purposes though depending on what kind of controller you are making. I tend to find that for precise player controllers, 10-20 samples is quite good but you'll have to experiment to find out what works for your use-case.
2024.06.01 10:13 CptMarkski Any chill Helldivers need a team?
Greeting fellow soldiers of democracy! We are a cracking elite unit of Helldivers. We're so elite you've probably never heard of us, for we are BLACK WATCH. Grrrr. (not sure why I added that bit)
We are recruiting players who need teammates. Fellow brothers and sisters to fight with and spread glorious democracy and freedom throughout the galaxy, one bullet and one explosion, at a time.
We are very female friendly and have a number of very good female gamers. If you're looking for a group to join then we're perfect for you. For us, you're just another Helldiver to throw into the fiery pits of battle.
We have a great Discord set up with active players on PC and PlayStation. I would say the majority of players are on in the evening/night UK time, as we have a lot of US west and east coast members, but also plenty of UK and European Helldivers.
We are happy to take players of any level. We particularly enjoy training up new recruits and helping more established players farm samples.
We do have a few basic rules... 1. No team killing. Accidents do happen and are often all part of then fun, but intentional team killing/melee is not for us. 2. We are all very chill. We appreciate making friends and having fun games rather than taking it too seriously (please don't tell the Democracy Officer!) 3. I'm sorry, but you really do need a mic! We like to chat and have fun. While I do have a couple of people I play with who don't have a mic, they aren't part of Black Watch. We need to communicate! Everyone is friendly and we like to keep the group that way. On the opposite side, constant nonstop talking is very annoying, as we found out recently! 4. Have fun! There's no point in killing thousands of bots or bugs if you don't enjoy it. That just makes you a nutter! We laugh in the face in the face of Bile Titans and cry in the face of Striders!
Personally, I'm a 46 year old veteran and dad of 2 (almost 3 kids). I'm UK based, PlayStation, and mainly get on for the morning or early evening shift! It would be great to find a few other morning players! But, as most people work normal jobs that's proving difficult!
So what are you waiting for? Join up today! Helldivers are Super Earth's chosen and Black Watch is the best if the best, the top dogs, the bees knees, the dogs bol.. er, stuff.
DM me if you're interested and we'll be side by side, covered in bug guts before you know it!
SUPER EARTH FOREVER 🌎 🫡
submitted by CptMarkski to helldivers2 [link] [comments]
We are recruiting players who need teammates. Fellow brothers and sisters to fight with and spread glorious democracy and freedom throughout the galaxy, one bullet and one explosion, at a time.
We are very female friendly and have a number of very good female gamers. If you're looking for a group to join then we're perfect for you. For us, you're just another Helldiver to throw into the fiery pits of battle.
We have a great Discord set up with active players on PC and PlayStation. I would say the majority of players are on in the evening/night UK time, as we have a lot of US west and east coast members, but also plenty of UK and European Helldivers.
We are happy to take players of any level. We particularly enjoy training up new recruits and helping more established players farm samples.
We do have a few basic rules... 1. No team killing. Accidents do happen and are often all part of then fun, but intentional team killing/melee is not for us. 2. We are all very chill. We appreciate making friends and having fun games rather than taking it too seriously (please don't tell the Democracy Officer!) 3. I'm sorry, but you really do need a mic! We like to chat and have fun. While I do have a couple of people I play with who don't have a mic, they aren't part of Black Watch. We need to communicate! Everyone is friendly and we like to keep the group that way. On the opposite side, constant nonstop talking is very annoying, as we found out recently! 4. Have fun! There's no point in killing thousands of bots or bugs if you don't enjoy it. That just makes you a nutter! We laugh in the face in the face of Bile Titans and cry in the face of Striders!
Personally, I'm a 46 year old veteran and dad of 2 (almost 3 kids). I'm UK based, PlayStation, and mainly get on for the morning or early evening shift! It would be great to find a few other morning players! But, as most people work normal jobs that's proving difficult!
So what are you waiting for? Join up today! Helldivers are Super Earth's chosen and Black Watch is the best if the best, the top dogs, the bees knees, the dogs bol.. er, stuff.
DM me if you're interested and we'll be side by side, covered in bug guts before you know it!
SUPER EARTH FOREVER 🌎 🫡
2024.06.01 10:13 lolwhat1117 Thanks for the help guys :D
 | I kinda need some advice, again... submitted by lolwhat1117 to SpidermanPS4 [link] [comments] So I've been hearing about swing assist, what does it do? Should I deactive stuff so that it makes the swinging harder or should I just leave the settings alone? |
2024.06.01 10:10 Autocarcomparison 10 Best Cars Similar to Chevy Spark
 | Now that you’re acquainted with the Spark, let’s explore a few other compact cars that may pique your interest if you’re contemplating the Chevy Spark. Here are 10 best alternatives to consider: submitted by Autocarcomparison to u/Autocarcomparison [link] [comments] Chevy Spark Competitors
The Bolt offers a compelling choice for those who want to save money on gas while still enjoying a zippy and efficient ride. With a powerful 200-horsepower electric motor, the Bolt can accelerate from 0 to 60 miles per hour in just 6.5 seconds, making it a fun and responsive choice for urban driving. The real highlight, however, is its electric range. On a single charge, the Chevrolet Bolt can cover up to 110 miles on highways and an impressive 128 miles in city driving conditions. While the range might not be the highest among electric cars, the Bolt more than makes up for it in other aspects. Priced at a base cost of $37,495, it offers a great balance between affordability and advanced features. The Chevrolet Bolt is available in both crossover and hatchback models, catering to different preferences. Inside, the entertainment system is top-notch, with various trim levels such as the Premier and the LT. The LT trim boasts a spacious 10.2-inch touchscreen display, providing easy access to your vehicle’s features and infotainment. Additional features that elevate the driving experience include rear park assistance, built-in Wi-Fi, and a digital dashboard that offers a wealth of information at your fingertips. Music enthusiasts will appreciate the premium sound system from Bose, while the heated seats provide added comfort. For those considering making the switch to an electric vehicle, the Chevrolet Bolt offers a compelling alternative to the Chevy Spark. Its combination of affordability, electric performance, and a host of modern features makes it a serious contender in the world of compact cars.
The Chevrolet Sonic comes equipped with a respectable 138-horsepower engine, providing a smooth and comfortable ride. It’s a versatile compact car that can comfortably accommodate up to five people, making it an excellent choice for small families. With a price range between $14,095 and $17,895, the Sonic offers affordability without sacrificing quality. In terms of fuel efficiency, the Sonic offers moderate gas mileage, with 35 mpg on highways and 25 mpg on city roads. While it may not be the most fuel-efficient in its class, it still provides reasonable cost savings at the pump. The Sonic boasts an array of enticing features, including the availability of OnStar and a rearview camera. Customization is easy, with trim options such as the Premier, LT, and LS. The car also includes an inbuilt satellite radio, providing an excellent soundtrack to your journeys. With an elegant touchscreen display, the Sonic offers a user-friendly interface to access its features. Originally Published at Chevy Spark Competitors |
2024.06.01 10:01 WorkingTheMadses #gamedev tip: If you make use of raw controller input but you want to get something a little less jarringly precise to give the player better perceived fine-grained control, you can use input sampling (see comments for more info)
 | If you make use of raw controller input but you want to get something a little less jarringly precise to give the player better perceived fine-grained control, one of the easiest ways to do this is to make use of input sampling. The easiest way to accomplish it, is to collect controller input in a fixed-sized array every frame and then get the average of all recorded inputs to apply to the input that gets passed off to your transformations. submitted by WorkingTheMadses to Unity3D [link] [comments] In my engine agnostic example you'll find GetSampledInput and SampleAxis to get sampled input from a controller joystick. In the first function you pass the index of where you are currently at in the samples array (you may have multiple sampling arrays with individual indices). Seeing as you record input every frame, this index goes up every frame and then loops back around to zero once the index is equal to the length of the sample array (it starts at -1 at the start of the programs execution). This way you will continuously overwrite your values frame by frame correctly. The included axis value then gets added to the samples array as well. Then in SampleAxis I return the actual sampled input value that I want to use in place of the raw controller input to the rest of my code. PLEASE NOTE: One drawback to this approach is that you can't have a sample rate that's too high or the player will perceive the input as lagging behind what they intended. You might want this for your purposes though depending on what kind of controller you are making. I tend to find that for precise player controllers, 10-20 samples is quite good but you'll have to experiment to find out what works for your use-case. |
2024.06.01 09:58 pollt Proxmox + OPNsense + AdGuard Home - HOW?
Hi all!
I am pretty new to more "advanced" network setups (have ran full unifi up to this point, but nothing more enterprise-like than that) and have recently switched from a Ubiquiti USG to a NUC box running proxmox with OPNsense, unifi controller and a bunch of other small bits and pieces as containers. I've now set up a container with AdGuard that I want to use for adblocking, but I have problems finding a suitable guide and I need help figuring it out.
I run the adguard container on the same network as my OPNsense firewall, but I can't figure out the difference between OPNsense -> system -> settings -> general -> DNS and OPNsense -> services -> unbound DNS. Is the system setting DNS only for OPNsense itself but not for the devices/containers on the network it administrates?
I tried following this guide https://forum.opnsense.org/index.php?topic=22162.msg146626#msg146626, but it does not really make sense since my OPNsense container and AdGuard does not share IP with each other, and I don't really understand which field I should use to steer the the traffic through adguard..
submitted by pollt to HomeNetworking [link] [comments]
I am pretty new to more "advanced" network setups (have ran full unifi up to this point, but nothing more enterprise-like than that) and have recently switched from a Ubiquiti USG to a NUC box running proxmox with OPNsense, unifi controller and a bunch of other small bits and pieces as containers. I've now set up a container with AdGuard that I want to use for adblocking, but I have problems finding a suitable guide and I need help figuring it out.
I run the adguard container on the same network as my OPNsense firewall, but I can't figure out the difference between OPNsense -> system -> settings -> general -> DNS and OPNsense -> services -> unbound DNS. Is the system setting DNS only for OPNsense itself but not for the devices/containers on the network it administrates?
I tried following this guide https://forum.opnsense.org/index.php?topic=22162.msg146626#msg146626, but it does not really make sense since my OPNsense container and AdGuard does not share IP with each other, and I don't really understand which field I should use to steer the the traffic through adguard..
2024.06.01 09:57 No-Marionberry-6769 Kwikset Pismo Interior Privacy Door Knob with Lock, Door Handle For Bath...
 | Enhance Your Home's Privacy with the Kwikset Pismo Interior Privacy Door Knob with Lock submitted by No-Marionberry-6769 to BestToBuyUSA [link] [comments] Order now at best price Description: Upgrade your home's security and style with the Kwikset Pismo Interior Privacy Door Knob with Lock. Perfect for bathrooms and bedrooms, this door handle offers the ideal combination of modern design, functionality, and ease of use. Whether you're renovating or simply looking to enhance your home's privacy, the Kwikset Pismo Door Knob is the perfect choice. Why Choose the Kwikset Pismo Interior Privacy Door Knob with Lock?
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2024.06.01 09:54 exsaphhi Zimbabwe and New Caledonia are the point (and why that’s not what is happening here)
The more conspiracist someone in New Zealand is, the more likely they are to bring up Zimbabwe. I know that because I have a cooker in my family, and by god, you’d think the place was his home country for the amount he talks about it. But it’s become a real conspiracy for the right, and an angle from verified bad actor accounts that was modded out of this sub at our beginning.
And the reason why there’s a direct correlation between conspiracists and Zimbabwe stans is that you can’t help but notice their fears of history repeating fall apart somewhat when you actually look into it. For a start, you can blame one person for the deaths and economic devastation caused by Mugabe, and that Tony Blair, because he kicked the whole thing off when he walked back Thatcher’s promise of 50% of the compensation for white landowners. Thatcher did like one decent thing and Blair came in and messed it up. Not without context. But through its entire history, it is the UK’s choices and the choices of her colonial government there that spur change and negative outcomes in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe was first thought to be mineral rich at its early 1890 settlement, and a lot of money was put into getting prospectors to Southern Rhodesia. When this return didn’t eventuate, land was given to the settlers instead in hope their farming could become productive enough to cover the settlements continuing administrative costs. By 1986 they had distributed 16 million hectares, a sixth of Southern Rhodesia, and by 1917, this was up to 21.5 million hectares. However, this expanse of farming would cause friction of land rights and grazing rights with the two resident groups already living there. Cattle in the region expanded from about 60 000, owned mostly by the preexisting Ndebele and Shona peoples, to up to 2 million split evenly between both groups, leading to overgrazing and land competition.
The solution in the 1930s by the colonial government was a segregated land distribution method split into five parts, with the best 3/5 being reserved for white owners and the much more unusable remainder of the land being split amongst black land owners — despite them being greater in number than white people. White people had so much productive land they literally couldn’t farm it all, while the remaining Tribal Trust land was still being overfarmed, forcing black Rhodesians to seek work in cities and the colonial government to introduce forced destocking measures (sell or slaughter excess animals), as well as putting aside 7.2 million more acres for native farmers to purchase.
The 50s saw attempts at redistribution that ultimately failed and authority for this would then be vested the traditional tribal leaders.
The beginning of the 60s were an attempt to introduce a semblance of actual land parity, splitting the land 50/50 with whites and blacks — unfortunately this didn’t work very well because black people greatly outnumbered white people, and the fertile land was still just given to whites. Abuses of the system also saw white people legally shift their boundaries to claim black land resulting in evictions that would create Nationalist sympathies leading to the following war.
60s-70s was the Rhodesian Bush War between three groups, one of them being the colonial government, and resulting in Mugabe taking power. He was left juggling the land issue along with the cohesion of his new coalition. Farmer workers had fled to cities during the fighting and been organised into guarded settlements following state suppression of armed conflicts. More land was made available to purchase by people of any race, and then race-based ownership was abolished completely in 1979. Despite this, white farmers owned 73% of fertile land and contributed 80% of agricultural output.
Under a doctrine of willing buyer, willing seller for at least ten years, the US and the UK agreed to finance part of the redistribution costs, and Southern Rhodesia was recognised as finally-independent Zimbabwe. However, land inequality and erosion of black land due to forced overfarming continued, but white-owned commercial farms were reduced by about 20% by 1987, and progress was continued into the 90s. However corruption issues began to emerge with land and leases going to Mugabe’s family and political associates as well as other powerful people. Donor and investor states became concerned with who was benefitting, heightened when Mugabe took powers to supersede the courts. He held that land was a political matter only, not judicial.
British opinion in funding this programme would deteriorate, until the Short and the then-Labour government would deny their obligation to support the redistribution programme.
In September 1998, the government called a donors conference in Harare on LRRP II to inform the donor community and involve them in the program: Forty-eight countries and international organisations attended and unanimously endorsed the land program, saying it was essential for poverty reduction, political stability and economic growth. They agreed that the inception phase, covering the first 24 months, should start immediately, particularly appreciating the political imperative and urgency of the proposal.
The Commercial Farmers Union freely offered to sell the government 15,000 square kilometres for redistribution, but landowners once again dragged their feet. In response to moves by the National Constitutional Assembly, a group of academics, trade unionists and other political activists, the government drafted a new constitution. The draft was discussed widely by the public in formal meetings and amended to include restrictions on presidential powers, limits to the presidential term of office, and an age limit of 70 for presidential candidates. This was not seen as a suitable outcome for the government, so the proposals were amended to replace those clauses with one to compulsorily acquire land for redistribution without compensation. The opposition mostly boycotted the drafting stage of the constitution claiming that this new version was to entrench Mugabe politically.
Guerrilla veterans of the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) and Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) began to emerge as a radical force in the land issue around this time. The guerrillas forcefully presented their position that white-owned land in Zimbabwe was rightfully theirs, on account of promises made to them during the Rhodesian Bush War. Calls for accelerated land reform were also echoed by an affluent urban class of black Zimbabweans who were interested in making inroads into commercial farming, with public assistance.
The government held a referendum on the new constitution on 12–13 February 2000, despite having a sufficiently large majority in parliament to pass any amendment it wished. Had it been approved, the new constitution would have empowered the government to acquire land compulsorily without compensation. Despite vast support in the media, the new constitution was defeated, 55% to 45%.
In response, a pro-Mugabe group marched on white owned farms, forcing them and their usually-black workers off their farms without compensation. In the subsequent years of land confiscation, several farm owners and more workers would be killed.
Some of this land ended up under the control of Mugabe and other politicians, however by 2011, 238,000 households had been apportioned from 10 million hectares of land, an improvement of 3.5 million over the 20 years up until 1998. In 2019, white Zimbabwean farmers accepted $17 million USD in compensation, and in 2020 the Zimbabwe government would commit to paying back a further 3.5 billion.
How does this relate to New Zealand?
Well let’s start with the obvious: land distribution issues do not go away because you want them to, nor will democracy protect you from it if you shit on the people you took the land from. Zimbabwe happened because landowners dragged their feet in every decade for a century, and a radicalised political faction springing from this injustice decided legal methods were not the way to go. By the time people were willing to come to the table to resolve it, they were a good fifty behind when they should have and it was too late.
Secondly, picking and choosing what you give back doesn’t work if you’re still just fucking over the tribes you’re giving stuff to to advantage yourself. If you say, give someone a couple of million dollars of value in exchange for the entire canterbury and otago regions, they may decide in 30 years time that wasn’t a very fair deal. And they’re probably right.
Thirdly, black people are not doing well right now in Zimbabwe and neither are white people. But the black people already weren’t doing well. You may look at Zimbabwe and say, well they’ve screwed over their own economy there. But they didn’t. They screwed over the white economy that too many of them already weren’t benefitting from. You see the stability a strong economy gives you and think that other people are benefitting too; Zimbabwe did get a lot out of their land in the 1900s due to colonial investment. But it didn’t benefit all people, and the failure to lift everyone in the rising tide sunk ALL the ships.
The Treaty idea of Partnership is the compromise. Giving back tiny bits of land and small change is the baby steps. Start taking us backwards and you’ll make Maori realise just how shortchanged they’ve been, and the natural result of that is not that they go away, it’s that they start demanding more.
But the level of disenfranchisement, of disrespect, of disempowerment does have to reach a much more egregious level than the situation we have here to result in widespread violence. Six months of Shane Jones does not a civil war make. It is a long, long process to get to a point where a country is that divided, and a lot of legitimate legal, political, and negotiating instruments have to fail. There is also a certain level of disinvestment people have to feel in the overall system to throw what they have away — there’s a reason socialist revolutions don’t come from peaceful, placated societies, even the ones educated enough to know there is something wrong. So therefore, progress must be made gradually through peace and cooperation, because unilateral force always has lasting negative consequences. Attempts to forge ahead with reform despite unhappiness of particular groups, even when legally decided will work out worse for everyone.
There are going to be a million opportunities to turn this ship around. This relationship is nowhere near beyond repair, even between this government and iwi. If Luxon had a spine, he would sit down with them and promise to reverse course, and probably send us all back to the polls as a result. He won’t. But I’m pretty confident he won’t win the next election either, whenever it is, and this country isn’t nearly so divided enough to split down the middle along race grounds, no matter what Seymour wants. But to unify, to meet in the middle, you have to stop considering what you think is fair and start hearing what the other group wants and why.
Otherwise we’re just letting corrupt politicians make land grabs while they cut us in half.
submitted by exsaphhi to nzpolitics [link] [comments]
And the reason why there’s a direct correlation between conspiracists and Zimbabwe stans is that you can’t help but notice their fears of history repeating fall apart somewhat when you actually look into it. For a start, you can blame one person for the deaths and economic devastation caused by Mugabe, and that Tony Blair, because he kicked the whole thing off when he walked back Thatcher’s promise of 50% of the compensation for white landowners. Thatcher did like one decent thing and Blair came in and messed it up. Not without context. But through its entire history, it is the UK’s choices and the choices of her colonial government there that spur change and negative outcomes in Zimbabwe.
Zimbabwe was first thought to be mineral rich at its early 1890 settlement, and a lot of money was put into getting prospectors to Southern Rhodesia. When this return didn’t eventuate, land was given to the settlers instead in hope their farming could become productive enough to cover the settlements continuing administrative costs. By 1986 they had distributed 16 million hectares, a sixth of Southern Rhodesia, and by 1917, this was up to 21.5 million hectares. However, this expanse of farming would cause friction of land rights and grazing rights with the two resident groups already living there. Cattle in the region expanded from about 60 000, owned mostly by the preexisting Ndebele and Shona peoples, to up to 2 million split evenly between both groups, leading to overgrazing and land competition.
The solution in the 1930s by the colonial government was a segregated land distribution method split into five parts, with the best 3/5 being reserved for white owners and the much more unusable remainder of the land being split amongst black land owners — despite them being greater in number than white people. White people had so much productive land they literally couldn’t farm it all, while the remaining Tribal Trust land was still being overfarmed, forcing black Rhodesians to seek work in cities and the colonial government to introduce forced destocking measures (sell or slaughter excess animals), as well as putting aside 7.2 million more acres for native farmers to purchase.
The 50s saw attempts at redistribution that ultimately failed and authority for this would then be vested the traditional tribal leaders.
The beginning of the 60s were an attempt to introduce a semblance of actual land parity, splitting the land 50/50 with whites and blacks — unfortunately this didn’t work very well because black people greatly outnumbered white people, and the fertile land was still just given to whites. Abuses of the system also saw white people legally shift their boundaries to claim black land resulting in evictions that would create Nationalist sympathies leading to the following war.
60s-70s was the Rhodesian Bush War between three groups, one of them being the colonial government, and resulting in Mugabe taking power. He was left juggling the land issue along with the cohesion of his new coalition. Farmer workers had fled to cities during the fighting and been organised into guarded settlements following state suppression of armed conflicts. More land was made available to purchase by people of any race, and then race-based ownership was abolished completely in 1979. Despite this, white farmers owned 73% of fertile land and contributed 80% of agricultural output.
Under a doctrine of willing buyer, willing seller for at least ten years, the US and the UK agreed to finance part of the redistribution costs, and Southern Rhodesia was recognised as finally-independent Zimbabwe. However, land inequality and erosion of black land due to forced overfarming continued, but white-owned commercial farms were reduced by about 20% by 1987, and progress was continued into the 90s. However corruption issues began to emerge with land and leases going to Mugabe’s family and political associates as well as other powerful people. Donor and investor states became concerned with who was benefitting, heightened when Mugabe took powers to supersede the courts. He held that land was a political matter only, not judicial.
British opinion in funding this programme would deteriorate, until the Short and the then-Labour government would deny their obligation to support the redistribution programme.
I should make it clear that we do not accept that Britain has a special responsibility to meet the costs of land purchase in Zimbabwe. We are a new government from diverse backgrounds without links to former colonial interests. My own origins are Irish and, as you know, we were colonised, not colonisers.In June 1998, the Zimbabwe government published its "policy framework" on the Land Reform and Resettlement Programme Phase II (LRRP II), which envisaged the compulsory purchase over five years of 50,000 square kilometres from the 112,000 square kilometres owned by white commercial farmers, public corporations, churches, non-governmental organisations and multinational companies. Broken down, the 50,000 square kilometres meant that every year between 1998 and 2003, the government intended to purchase 10,000 square kilometres for redistribution.
In September 1998, the government called a donors conference in Harare on LRRP II to inform the donor community and involve them in the program: Forty-eight countries and international organisations attended and unanimously endorsed the land program, saying it was essential for poverty reduction, political stability and economic growth. They agreed that the inception phase, covering the first 24 months, should start immediately, particularly appreciating the political imperative and urgency of the proposal.
The Commercial Farmers Union freely offered to sell the government 15,000 square kilometres for redistribution, but landowners once again dragged their feet. In response to moves by the National Constitutional Assembly, a group of academics, trade unionists and other political activists, the government drafted a new constitution. The draft was discussed widely by the public in formal meetings and amended to include restrictions on presidential powers, limits to the presidential term of office, and an age limit of 70 for presidential candidates. This was not seen as a suitable outcome for the government, so the proposals were amended to replace those clauses with one to compulsorily acquire land for redistribution without compensation. The opposition mostly boycotted the drafting stage of the constitution claiming that this new version was to entrench Mugabe politically.
Guerrilla veterans of the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) and Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) began to emerge as a radical force in the land issue around this time. The guerrillas forcefully presented their position that white-owned land in Zimbabwe was rightfully theirs, on account of promises made to them during the Rhodesian Bush War. Calls for accelerated land reform were also echoed by an affluent urban class of black Zimbabweans who were interested in making inroads into commercial farming, with public assistance.
The government held a referendum on the new constitution on 12–13 February 2000, despite having a sufficiently large majority in parliament to pass any amendment it wished. Had it been approved, the new constitution would have empowered the government to acquire land compulsorily without compensation. Despite vast support in the media, the new constitution was defeated, 55% to 45%.
In response, a pro-Mugabe group marched on white owned farms, forcing them and their usually-black workers off their farms without compensation. In the subsequent years of land confiscation, several farm owners and more workers would be killed.
Some of this land ended up under the control of Mugabe and other politicians, however by 2011, 238,000 households had been apportioned from 10 million hectares of land, an improvement of 3.5 million over the 20 years up until 1998. In 2019, white Zimbabwean farmers accepted $17 million USD in compensation, and in 2020 the Zimbabwe government would commit to paying back a further 3.5 billion.
How does this relate to New Zealand?
Well let’s start with the obvious: land distribution issues do not go away because you want them to, nor will democracy protect you from it if you shit on the people you took the land from. Zimbabwe happened because landowners dragged their feet in every decade for a century, and a radicalised political faction springing from this injustice decided legal methods were not the way to go. By the time people were willing to come to the table to resolve it, they were a good fifty behind when they should have and it was too late.
Secondly, picking and choosing what you give back doesn’t work if you’re still just fucking over the tribes you’re giving stuff to to advantage yourself. If you say, give someone a couple of million dollars of value in exchange for the entire canterbury and otago regions, they may decide in 30 years time that wasn’t a very fair deal. And they’re probably right.
Thirdly, black people are not doing well right now in Zimbabwe and neither are white people. But the black people already weren’t doing well. You may look at Zimbabwe and say, well they’ve screwed over their own economy there. But they didn’t. They screwed over the white economy that too many of them already weren’t benefitting from. You see the stability a strong economy gives you and think that other people are benefitting too; Zimbabwe did get a lot out of their land in the 1900s due to colonial investment. But it didn’t benefit all people, and the failure to lift everyone in the rising tide sunk ALL the ships.
The Treaty idea of Partnership is the compromise. Giving back tiny bits of land and small change is the baby steps. Start taking us backwards and you’ll make Maori realise just how shortchanged they’ve been, and the natural result of that is not that they go away, it’s that they start demanding more.
But the level of disenfranchisement, of disrespect, of disempowerment does have to reach a much more egregious level than the situation we have here to result in widespread violence. Six months of Shane Jones does not a civil war make. It is a long, long process to get to a point where a country is that divided, and a lot of legitimate legal, political, and negotiating instruments have to fail. There is also a certain level of disinvestment people have to feel in the overall system to throw what they have away — there’s a reason socialist revolutions don’t come from peaceful, placated societies, even the ones educated enough to know there is something wrong. So therefore, progress must be made gradually through peace and cooperation, because unilateral force always has lasting negative consequences. Attempts to forge ahead with reform despite unhappiness of particular groups, even when legally decided will work out worse for everyone.
There are going to be a million opportunities to turn this ship around. This relationship is nowhere near beyond repair, even between this government and iwi. If Luxon had a spine, he would sit down with them and promise to reverse course, and probably send us all back to the polls as a result. He won’t. But I’m pretty confident he won’t win the next election either, whenever it is, and this country isn’t nearly so divided enough to split down the middle along race grounds, no matter what Seymour wants. But to unify, to meet in the middle, you have to stop considering what you think is fair and start hearing what the other group wants and why.
Otherwise we’re just letting corrupt politicians make land grabs while they cut us in half.
2024.06.01 09:52 apricus-home Premium Home Decor Items For Living Room
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submitted by apricus-home to u/apricus-home [link] [comments]
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To talk about other institutes in the Velachery region ,FITA Academy also offers Digital Marketing courses and the trainers here have a profound expertise having maximum experience of more than 10+ years in teaching Digital Marketing concepts and can train students as per Industry requirements.
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submitted by Ayesha_Batatawala to u/Ayesha_Batatawala [link] [comments]
In Velachery, aspiring digital marketers can access digital marketing courses through institutes like IIDE - The Digital School ,known for its innovative and comprehensive digital marketing courses. IIDE offers a range of certifications in digital marketing focusing on topics like E-commerce Management, Facebook and Instagram Ads, Google Ads, Social Media Marketing, etc. Also IIDE provides a variety of Short Term Certification Courses on various topics. The duration of these courses are 4-6 months which makes it easy to gain knowledge in a short period of time. With a focus on practical learning and industry-relevant skills, IIDE ensures that students, working professionals, and business owners can benefit from these courses. This makes IIDE a premier choice for everyone looking to excel in the dynamic field of digital marketing in Velachery.
To talk about other institutes in the Velachery region ,FITA Academy also offers Digital Marketing courses and the trainers here have a profound expertise having maximum experience of more than 10+ years in teaching Digital Marketing concepts and can train students as per Industry requirements.
Another institute providing Digital Marketing Training in Velachery is ACTE. They offer courses at two levels- Beginner & Advanced level Classes. On the other hand the courses provided by them helps one to gain Hands-On Learning in Digital Marketing. Additionally they provide Best Practice for interview Preparation Techniques in Digital Marketing to their students.
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2024.06.01 09:41 Wise-Judgment-4347 Am I the asshole if I refuse to go home because I think I might commit suicide if I do.
I'll be leaving uni for home in a few days time, but I just got off the phone after talking with my parents and siblings and had felt triggered about the past 2 years and how I almost commited suicide because of all the stress and pressure of putting up with what had transpired. For context, I'm 24 (F) in my last year of uni, and I have two brothers 30(M) and (5M) who live with my parents (Both in their late 50's), who live in the country side. I had been diagnosed with heart disease when I was in highschool and since then things have been tough for me, with losing all my weight and having to go through three different schools just to complete high school because of my health, but since then I have got the hang of taking care of myself and my symptoms, I have gained weight, made it to uni (which was a suprise not only to myself but my teachers as well) and am almost done with uni, and I could not be prouder. However, this past week has been a roller coaster, with thoughts of committing suicide lurking in every corner, I didn't know why at first but after talking to my parents on the phone bits of memories came flooding back to me about how I thought I reached my point of living and that my heart was gonna give out any moment or that it would be better if I'd just off myself with that sharp knife in the corner by slitting my wrists open. You see, my mum had this really bad lung infection the Christmas of 2022 while I was home for the holidays, and I took on most of the responsibility of taking care of her from 5am in the morning to the next morning where I'd sleep at 3am after ensuring she was okay, then wake up to do it all again. Don't get me wrong, I loved taking care of my mum, it made me happy that I could be there when she was at her weakest to lend her the strength and care she deserved after taking care of me all these years. It all happened one afternoon when my brother has come home afted being gone all day and did not even receive an earful from my parents (or mainly my dad) like I did for being out for just 2 hours to unwind from taking care of my mum and nursing her back to health all while not having any contact with friends or the outside world then our yard for almost 2 months, I was called selfish by my dad and told that my actions were stupid that if my mum would die I'd look stupid crying for her just like my mum's sister who chose to go out and meet friends the day her father died, that I was supposed to be at home with mum taking care of her. My dad is a stay at home dad, my older brother dropped out of college and my mum is the sole bread winner of the family. While my mum was sick, my dad would get groceries, attend to church meetings, ensure the yard was kept clean lend a hand when it was needed with caring for mum while my brother ate, slept on time, had time to meet friends, throw his plates in the sink without washing them and not lending a hand with helping mum. Meanwhile I spent my days bathing her, dressing her, feeding her, massaging her body, changing her hot water in her mugs to ensure she stayed hydrated because that's all she could drink without coughing , cleaning her sleeping area and sanitizing it everytime she had to go to bed after a warm bath as well as watching over her as she slept to ensure her pillows were placed in a way that didn't obstruct her airflow all while also ensuring that everyone's laundry was done and put away, food was cooked and served, plates were washed and put away, my little brother was cared for also while doing part of my dad's work around the house to ensure he got enoughg sleep at night, since we lived by the country side there were a lot of chores to do around the house as most of the things were done manually or by hand. I did this until she got back on her feet and was able to do little things around the house without my help. After a week or two when my mum had improved told my parents that I'll be gone the next day after lunch to see my friend and that normally before mum got sick Friday was a free day for me that I get an off day of doing house work. So the day came, I dressed up (I felt pretty after not being able to do that in a whole) and left after ensuring that my big brother was home to assist mum whenever she needed and also checked on my mum to see if she was okay and that she didn't need my help before I stepped out of the house at 2pm. The walk to my friend's house felt like heaven, with sun in my face, the breeze on my face and the skip in my step. I spent the afternoon talking, laughing and having a good time with my friend before going home at 5pm, happy and satisfied that the day had brought me so much joy and relieved my stress. I got and came in with a big Hello, to everyone in the house, my dad didn't say anything, he just sat there looking so mad. And that's when he proceeded to call me selfish and compare me to my mother's sister all while my mother and brother sat there saying nothing, I atleast thought they would've spoken up to say that I needed the break, but they didn't. I cried as ai stood there listening to my dad utter out harsh words until I couldn't listen to him anymore. I proceeded muster up a less shaky voice and said the following "I apologies for going out to see my friend and I apologies mum and dad it won't happen again, but the thing is I needed this, after taking care of mum and the house I just needed a break. My brother gets to go out, meet friend and talk to them and even stay out till late but he never gets scolded but when I do it's different. I do everything in this house, I take care of mum, wash all of your clothes, cook the food, feed you all and even wash up after everything and you big brother can't even wash your own plate or lend a hand. Oh and dad I spend the time I get after mum finally rests during the day to do some of your chores to cut down the amount of time you spend doing them in order for you to get a good night's rest and I go to sleep early in the morning just to wake up after 2 hours and do it all again. So I'm sorry that I had to go out, but I really needed it." After saying all that, I went up to my room and cried the whole night. The next morning I came downstairs at 10am to find my dad washing up and my mum on her phone, it was a quiet day, I thought my brother was in his room, then the we got heard that he had actually left in the morning to go visit my aunt who is a 30 minute drive from our house, where he spent the day hanging out with friends and cousins before coming back home at 6pm with my grandma who came to spend a week with us. My dad upon hearing the news that my brother was had left in the morning just shook his head and said that my brother should have stayed and lend a hand around the house, but after my brother got back I was hoping he'd get the same scolding my dad gave me, well that never happened. I went to my mum and asked her why wasn't daddy scolding my big brother and she did not say anything so I spoke up and said aloud, "wow, so I get a scolding for staying out for just 3 hours but he gets to stay out for an entire day without helping out around here and he gets welcomed home?" I then went to my room because I didn't want them to see the tears that started to fall, then it hit me when I was in my room crying, everything that happened over the years on how differently I was treated, my accomplishments my birthday's and even my sickness. It hit me how differently I was treated, my brother had big graduation foods prepared and his graduations were celebrated from primary all the way to high school and little courses while I just had a well done from my parents even after taking in prices since I was in elementary, thought they'd take me out to eat a celebratory lunch after my high school graduation because it was the hardest part of my life to pass but all I got was a disgusted look and a 'thats what your wearing?' after at my graduation after I took my gown off to take pictures. I can't remember the time I blew out candles for my birthday or when a party was thrown for me, but my brother somehow has a cake for most of his birthdays and he had a really big party once with four big cakes, a whole roasted pig, lots of food and even had all his friends invited. When i reaches the age of 14, the same age he was when my parents threw him a party, I thought I'd have the same too, but I didn't, and still had not one party until I turned 24. The day I turned 23, was a month after my mum got better, I spent the whole day cooking for everyone, was wished happy birthday after realising it was my birthday, I then told them I'd come down to eat later after I take a nap and that they should serve the food and leave mine on the dining table. I came down to find they ate most of the food, and I was only placed only a bit of food in my plate. I got mad and hit my plate on the table with just a little food spilling over, my dad saw this and screamed at me and told me that my future husband would beat me up and that my life will be miserable and bad because of what I did. Well you guessed it, I went back to my room crying, and that blade in my bag looked so tempting against my wrists. I also remember when my brother dropped out of college that I was blamed by my parents, with my dad telling me on my way back from the grocery store that I'm the reason my brother ended up like how he is because they show me too much favour growing up. And when my big brother was diagnosed with bipolar disorder after dropping out of college after misuse of alcohol and drugs my mum religiously took to the internet to search for diets, information and everything to do with it until he became better and she continued doing so for every little sickness like flu, meanwhile my heart disease was never on her search list. She even signed up for YouTube videos and lessons on everything to do with my brother health, and mind you my heart disease was diagnosed 6 years before he got bipolar. I left for school after the holidays, still exhausted and stressed from the entire experience. My body had reached its lowest point, I could feel my heart was tired, I was ready to die in my bed in my dorm, I had made peace that if my heart passed out before while rest I'd be okay with it. That's third year of uni was hell for me, my body never really recovered, I kept getting sick, had malaria countless times as well as typhoid three times in a row the same year. The stress combined with with the state of my immunity caused me to be sent to various medical officers and clinics to get my blood samples and x-rays to find what was wrong with me, why after being treated and cured my body felt sick. They thought I had tuberculosis, others thought I had STI's but all tests came back negative, and mind you all these tests cost money and my parents weren't happy with what they were spending for me to get this tests. It came to a point when I called my mum to tell her that I feel really sick and I'm stressed with my assignments, only for her to say "you're always sick, everytime we call you're sick. Don't you know we're tired of this, stop trying to get sick!". I'm tired of getting sick too mum, I thought to myself as I got off the call and stared at the pile of medicine Infront of me prescribed by the doctor as well as my heart meds, and they were too much, my mum's words over the phone kept playing in my head I I got my the blade on my study table and pressed it into my left wrist lightly drew it over to cut the skin, the pain felt soothinf, calming even, then I wondered how it would feel if I placed the knife on my study table and fell on it to pierce my heart, would the pain feel good? Would the thoughts stop? Would mum stop complaining? Would they mis me? What would happen to my body? Then I thought better of it and wrote in my dairy ro stop myself from doing ealxactly that then I was distracted by my medicine Infront of me with thoughts of "they would never know if you take all these and overdose, it'll be a painless death." The remainder of third year continued like these, with sickness and suicide thoughts until I went for job internship at a company I've always wanted to work in and life was good because i didnt for home for the holidays and I spent the holidays at school in my little dorm room with friends who looked out for me. Then 2024 rolled around and I'm properly rested, no stress and I'm happy. That's is until a month ago when my parents bought me my ticket to go back home to see them for the holidays that I spiralled, I had completely locked those memories away, but after every phone call this past month I'm left a crying mess with flashes of words said and feelings felt during that time and I go back to thinking of suicide. I nearly commited suicide on the 16th of may, i was truly gonna go throught with it, I wanted to so bad if only I did not see the bible verses in front of me amd if my roommates hadn't come back early. But I know, if I do go home now, I might actually commit suicide, if something like what happened in the past happens again, or if they say another harsh word, I wouldn't think twice of dying, because I'm done, I truly am.
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2024.06.01 09:41 Sweet-Count2557 Best Restaurants in Somerville Nj
 | Best Restaurants in Somerville Nj Looking for the ultimate dining experience in Somerville, NJ? Look no further, because we've got the inside scoop on the best restaurants in town.We've scoured every corner, from charming bistros to upscale fine dining spots, to bring you a comprehensive list that will satisfy even the most discerning palate.From delectable Thai dishes with a French twist to fresh and light Greek flavors, Somerville has it all. Get ready to indulge in a culinary adventure like no other.Join us as we explore the top dining destinations in Somerville, NJ.Key TakeawaysDa Filippos offers exquisite Italian plates in a rustic ambiance with live piano music for a pleasurable dining experience.Savor Restaurant is an upscale space for fine dining, serving homemade pastas and succulent steaks in a classy atmosphere with exceptional service.Origin and Origin Thai II are foodie magnets on Division Street, offering yummy Thai-inspired dishes with a French twist, cozy and inviting atmosphere, and friendly and attentive staff.Thai Kitchen is a charming and popular BYOB Thai joint in Bridgewater Township, serving authentic Thai dishes with adjustable heat levels, with their Pad Thai being a must-try dish.Da FilipposWe absolutely love Da Filippos for its exquisite Italian plates. Located in Somerville, NJ, this restaurant is a gem among the many fantastic dining options in the area. Da Filippos offers a pleasurable dining experience with its rustic ambiance and live piano music. As soon as you step inside, you're transported to a cozy Italian trattoria, complete with warm lighting and charming decor.The menu at Da Filippos is a celebration of authentic Italian cuisine. From homemade pastas to succulent steaks, every dish is prepared with the utmost care and attention to detail. The flavors are rich and bold, showcasing the best of traditional Italian cooking. Whether you're craving a classic dish like spaghetti carbonara or something more adventurous like osso buco, Da Filippos has it all.The service at Da Filippos is exceptional. The staff is friendly, attentive, and knowledgeable about the menu. They're more than happy to provide recommendations or answer any questions you may have. The atmosphere is relaxed and welcoming, making it the perfect place to enjoy a leisurely meal with friends or family.If you're looking for a memorable dining experience in Somerville, NJ, look no further than Da Filippos. With its exquisite Italian plates, rustic ambiance, and exceptional service, this restaurant is a must-visit for anyone who appreciates fine food. So, the next time you're in the area, be sure to make a reservation at Da Filippos and indulge in the flavors of Italy.Savor RestaurantLet's explore Savor Restaurant, an upscale space for fine dining located on Main Street in Somerville, NJ. If you're looking for a memorable culinary experience, Savor Restaurant is the place to be. Here are five reasons why this restaurant stands out among the other restaurants near Somerville, NJ:Exceptional Cuisine: Savor Restaurant offers a menu that showcases the best of both land and sea. From homemade pastas to succulent steaks, every dish is crafted with precision and passion. The flavors are thoughtfully balanced, and the presentation is a feast for the eyes.Classy Atmosphere: As you step into Savor Restaurant, you'll be greeted by an elegant and sophisticated ambiance. The tastefully decorated interior creates a warm and inviting atmosphere, perfect for a romantic date night or a special celebration.Outstanding Service: The staff at Savor Restaurant goes above and beyond to ensure that every guest has a memorable dining experience. The waitstaff is knowledgeable, attentive, and friendly, providing top-notch service from start to finish.Prime Location: Situated on Main Street, Savor Restaurant is conveniently located in the heart of Somerville, NJ. Whether you're exploring the town or attending an event nearby, Savor Restaurant is easily accessible, making it a popular choice for locals and visitors alike.Attention to Detail: From the moment you walk through the door, you'll notice the meticulous attention to detail at Savor Restaurant. From the perfectly set tables to the carefully curated wine list, every aspect of your dining experience is thoughtfully planned and executed.With its exceptional cuisine, classy atmosphere, outstanding service, prime location, and attention to detail, Savor Restaurant is a must-visit destination for food lovers in Somerville, NJ.Now, let's delve into the origin and offerings of Origin and Origin Thai II, another culinary gem in the area.Origin and Origin Thai IIOrigin and Origin Thai II are two popular restaurants in Somerville, NJ that offer a delightful culinary experience. Bursting onto the scene in 2000, these restaurants have become a foodie magnet on Division Street. Origin Thai II serves up yummy Thai-inspired dishes with a French twist, while Origin offers a fusion of Thai and American cuisine.When you step into Origin and Origin Thai II, you're greeted by a cozy and inviting atmosphere. The rustic decor and warm lighting create a welcoming ambiance that makes you feel right at home. The friendly and attentive staff further enhance the dining experience, ensuring that you're well taken care of throughout your meal.The menu at Origin and Origin Thai II is filled with mouthwatering options that will satisfy any palate. From traditional Thai dishes like Pad Thai and Green Curry to unique creations like Duck Confit Spring Rolls and Lobster Mac and Cheese, there's something for everyone to enjoy. The chefs at Origin and Origin Thai II pride themselves on using fresh, high-quality ingredients to create dishes that are bursting with flavor.In addition to the delicious food, Origin and Origin Thai II also offer second to none service. The staff is knowledgeable about the menu and can offer recommendations based on your preferences. They're also attentive to your needs, ensuring that your dining experience is seamless and enjoyable.Whether you're craving Thai cuisine with a French twist or looking for a fusion of Thai and American flavors, Origin and Origin Thai II are the go-to restaurants in Somerville, NJ. With their cozy atmosphere, friendly staff, and mouthwatering dishes, these restaurants are sure to provide a delightful culinary experience.Thai KitchenThai Kitchen is a charming and popular BYOB Thai joint located in Bridgewater Township. Here are five reasons why you should consider dining at Thai Kitchen:Authentic Thai dishes with adjustable heat levels: Thai Kitchen offers a wide range of traditional Thai dishes that are prepared with authentic ingredients and flavors. Whether you prefer mild or spicy, you can adjust the heat levels to suit your taste buds.Must-try dish: Pad Thai: One dish that you should definitely try at Thai Kitchen is their Pad Thai. This classic Thai noodle dish is packed with flavors and textures, featuring stir-fried rice noodles, eggs, tofu, shrimp, bean sprouts, and crushed peanuts. It's a crowd favorite for a reason!Charming and inviting atmosphere: As soon as you step into Thai Kitchen, you'll be greeted by a warm and inviting atmosphere. The restaurant is cozy and decorated with Thai-inspired accents, creating a serene and relaxing environment for your dining experience.Friendly and attentive staff: The staff at Thai Kitchen is known for their friendly and attentive service. They go above and beyond to ensure that every guest feels welcomed and taken care of. Whether you have dietary restrictions or need recommendations, they're there to assist you.BYOB: Thai Kitchen is a BYOB restaurant, allowing you to bring your favorite beverages to complement your meal. Whether it's a bottle of wine or your favorite craft beer, you have the freedom to choose and enjoy your preferred drink with your Thai cuisine.With its authentic dishes, cozy ambiance, and friendly service, Thai Kitchen is a delightful choice for Thai food enthusiasts.Now, let's move on to our next restaurant, Kyma, which draws inspiration from the flavors of Greece.KymaWhen it comes to exploring the flavors of Greece, Kyma is a restaurant in Somerville, NJ that offers a fresh and light Greek dining experience. Conveniently located on Main Street, Kyma is known for its inspired dishes that showcase the vibrant and healthy ingredients of Greek cuisine. The restaurant's gorgeous space with Venetian flooring adds to the overall charm and ambiance of the dining experience.To give you a taste of what Kyma has to offer, here is a table showcasing some of their standout dishes:DishDescriptionPriceMoussakaLayers of eggplant, ground meat, and béchamel sauce, baked to perfection.$18SpanakopitaFlaky phyllo pastry filled with spinach, feta cheese, and herbs.$12SouvlakiGrilled skewers of marinated meat (choice of chicken or pork) served with tzatziki sauce.$16BaklavaA sweet and nutty pastry made with layers of filo dough, honey, and crushed nuts.$8Each dish at Kyma is expertly prepared, allowing the flavors to shine through. The freshness of the ingredients combined with traditional Greek techniques creates a delightful dining experience that is both satisfying and light.Transitioning into the next section, if you're looking for a different culinary experience, Maggiano's Bridgewater specializes in Italian classics that are sure to please.Maggianos BridgewaterMaggianos Bridgewater is a family-friendly Italian restaurant that specializes in classic Italian dishes. As an upscale chain, it offers a polished and relaxed environment for diners.With a variety of expertly prepared Italian fare and a special kids menu available, Maggianos Bridgewater is a great choice for those looking for a delicious and enjoyable dining experience.Family-Friendly Italian ClassicsLocated in Bridgewater Township, Maggianos Bridgewater offers a delightful selection of family-friendly Italian classics. At Maggianos, you can expect a polished and relaxed environment, perfect for a casual family outing. The menu is filled with expertly prepared Italian fare that will satisfy both young and old taste buds.Here are five reasons why Maggianos is a great choice for family dining:Extensive menu: Maggianos offers a wide variety of Italian classics, including pasta dishes like lasagna and fettuccine alfredo, as well as delicious pizzas and mouth-watering desserts.Special kids menu: The restaurant understands the importance of catering to its younger guests, so they've a special kids menu with options that are sure to please even the pickiest eaters.Upscale chain: Maggianos is a well-known upscale chain with a reputation for delivering high-quality food and exceptional service.Relaxed atmosphere: The restaurant provides a polished and relaxed environment, making it a comfortable place for families to enjoy a meal together.Family-friendly pricing: Despite its upscale feel, Maggianos offers reasonable prices, making it an affordable option for families looking for a delicious Italian meal.With its extensive menu, family-friendly pricing, and relaxed atmosphere, Maggianos Bridgewater is a fantastic choice for families seeking classic Italian cuisine.Upscale Chain With VarietyWe thoroughly enjoyed the variety of options offered at Maggianos Bridgewater, an upscale chain restaurant in Somerville, NJ. From classic Italian dishes to specialty items, their menu has something for everyone. Here is a glimpse of the mouthwatering options available:StarterMain CourseSide DishDessertBruschettaChicken ParmesanGarlic Mashed PotatoesTiramisuMozzarella MarinaraLobster RavioliCreamed SpinachChocolate Zuccotto CakeCalamari FritteEggplant ParmesanFour-Cheese RavioliLemon CookiesStuffed MushroomsShrimp ScampiCrispy Zucchini FritteApple CrostadaEach dish we tried was expertly prepared and bursting with flavor. The polished and relaxed environment added to the overall dining experience. Whether you're looking for a romantic night out or a family gathering, Maggianos Bridgewater is the perfect choice. Now, let's move on to another delightful Italian spot in Somerville, Cafe Picasso.Cafe PicassoWhen it comes to Italian cuisine, Cafe Picasso has been our go-to spot since 1997. This charming restaurant is adorned with captivating art and exudes a romantic and intimate charm. Here are five reasons why Cafe Picasso is a must-visit:Authentic Italian dishes: At Cafe Picasso, you can expect to indulge in mouthwatering Italian dishes that are prepared with the utmost care and attention to detail. From classic pasta dishes like spaghetti carbonara to perfectly cooked seafood risotto, their menu is a true representation of Italian culinary traditions.Captivating art: As you step into Cafe Picasso, you'll be greeted by an ambiance that's adorned with captivating art pieces. The walls are adorned with paintings and sculptures that add to the overall charm and aesthetic appeal of the restaurant.Romantic and intimate charm: Cafe Picasso is the perfect spot for a romantic evening or an intimate gathering with friends. The dim lighting, cozy seating arrangements, and warm ambiance create an atmosphere that's both inviting and relaxing.Attentive service: The staff at Cafe Picasso goes above and beyond to ensure that every guest has a pleasurable dining experience. From the moment you walk in, you'll be greeted with a warm smile and attentive service that's second to none.Extensive wine selection: To complement your meal, Cafe Picasso offers an extensive selection of fine wines. Whether you prefer a bold red or a crisp white, their knowledgeable staff will help you find the perfect pairing for your meal.If you're looking for an authentic Italian dining experience in Somerville, Cafe Picasso is the place to be. With its delicious cuisine, captivating art, romantic atmosphere, attentive service, and extensive wine selection, it's no wonder why it has been a favorite spot for locals and visitors alike for over two decades.Frequently Asked QuestionsIs There a Dress Code at Da Filippos, Savor Restaurant, Origin and Origin Thai II, Thai Kitchen, Kyma, Maggianos Bridgewater, and Cafe Picasso?There is no specific dress code mentioned for Da Filippos, Savor Restaurant, Origin and Origin Thai II, Thai Kitchen, Kyma, Maggianos Bridgewater, and Cafe Picasso.It's always a good idea to dress comfortably and neatly when dining out, but these restaurants seem to prioritize a pleasurable dining experience over strict dress requirements.Whether you prefer a rustic ambiance, fine dining, or an intimate charm, these establishments offer a range of culinary experiences without imposing any strict dress code guidelines.Are Reservations Required at Any of These Restaurants?Are reservations required at any of these restaurants?Yes, some of these restaurants do require reservations for a guaranteed dining experience. It's advisable to make a reservation at upscale establishments like Savor Restaurant and Kyma to ensure a table.However, for more casual dining options like Division Cafe or tapas bar Tapastre, reservations may not be necessary but could still be helpful during peak hours.It's always best to call ahead to secure your spot and avoid any disappointment.Do Any of These Restaurants Offer Vegetarian or Vegan Options?Some of the restaurants in Somerville, NJ offer vegetarian or vegan options.Da Filippos and Savor Restaurant have delicious vegetarian dishes.Origin and Origin Thai II, as well as Thai Kitchen, offer tasty vegan options with a Thai twist.Kyma has fresh and light Greek dishes that include vegetarian options.Boulevard Seafood Company serves fresh seafood, but also has vegetarian options available.These restaurants provide a variety of choices for vegetarians and vegans in Somerville, NJ.Are There Any Gluten-Free Options Available at These Restaurants?Yes, there are gluten-free options available at many of the restaurants in Somerville, NJ.From exquisite Italian plates at Da Filippos to upscale fine dining at Savor Restaurant, there are plenty of choices for those with dietary restrictions.Thai Kitchen offers authentic Thai dishes with adjustable heat levels, while Boulevard Seafood Company serves fresh seafood sourced directly from Fulton Fish Market.Whether you're craving burgers at 30 Burgers or tapas at Tapastre, there are gluten-free options to satisfy your culinary desires.Do Any of These Restaurants Offer Outdoor Seating?Yes, some of these restaurants offer outdoor seating. They provide the option for customers to dine al fresco and enjoy the pleasant weather while having their meals.Outdoor seating is a great way to enhance the dining experience and create a more relaxed atmosphere.ConclusionIn conclusion, the dining scene in Somerville, NJ is truly exceptional. With a diverse range of cuisines and restaurants to choose from, there's something to suit every taste and preference.From the exquisite Italian plates at Da Filippos to the delectable Thai-inspired dishes at Origin and Origin Thai II, and the fresh and light Greek flavors at Kyma, the culinary offerings in Somerville are sure to leave you satisfied.So, whether you're a foodie or simply seeking a pleasurable dining experience, Somerville has it all. submitted by Sweet-Count2557 to worldkidstravel [link] [comments] |